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A Chronical of The Education Revolution

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 02:40 PM PDT


  • October 16, 2012, Washington Post published a call for not teaching Chemistry in high school, the argument being that Chemistry is 'painfully' difficult. The author claimed he couldn't remember a thing from his own Chemistry class, and he could make a living as a philosophy major in college.
  • October 9, 2012, French President François Hollande found it was unfair to assign any homework at all, because some kids had parents who were willing to help them to figure out problems. To foster an 'equal' societal eco-system, the French President proposed banning homework all together.
  • July 29, 2012, New York Times published a op-ed calling to abolish teaching Algebra at high schools because it prevent students from graduating.

Well, all taking place while youth in China, India, Korean and Japan are studying 120 hours a week, and asking for more.

Fifty Years On, Sino-Indian Border Still Unsettled

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 09:56 PM PDT

Ahead of the 50th anniversary of the start of the 1962 Sino-Indian War on Saturday, The Economist visited the disputed region of Arunachal Pradesh over which it was fought. The area, sometimes known in China as "South ", is considered a candidate for the birthplace of the next Dalai Lama. With the territorial dispute still looming, has been reluctant to invest in developing the area, apart from improving roads to carry troops to the border.

[…] "Half a million men are eyeball to eyeball," says Mohan Guruswamy, a China expert in Delhi. He sees diminishing prospects for settling the border dispute. Despite well-established routines between the two sides' infantry patrols to avoid clashes, he worries about a persistent risk of accidental conflict.

A deal over the border has for years been self-evident: China gets to keep Aksai Chin in the west and India gets to keep the 80,000 square kilometres of , which China informally calls "South Tibet". In the past China has signalled a readiness to settle the dispute along just such lines. But Indian leaders and parliament have always balked, saying voters would not tolerate losing an inch of territory, even when no settled populations are involved.

[…] Broader relations have improved over the past couple of years, though with no progress on the border. Occasional plans for joint military operations are announced and then quickly forgotten. Formal border talks exist—a 16th round is due between special representatives—but no one expects anything to follow from them.

As the years slip by, China may grow less interested in a quiet border. Observers in India worry that if either China's generals or its nationalist social-media activists and editors gained sway over border discussions, Chinese diplomats would struggle to propose compromises.

The Economist's Banyan blog includes an account of the two-day journey to Tawang, and explains how the 1962 conflict came about:

The war, 50 years ago, was the result in the short-term of Indian assertiveness, especially in the face of Chinese expansion farther to the west, in . The mutual border was (and is) a disputed line drawn by colonial authorities with a thick nib, known as the McMahon line, after the Indian foreign secretary of 1914. China refused to recognise India's sovereignty over the territory it drew in. Rather than assuage its northern neighbour, however, India chose to push soldiers—and frontier posts—farther and farther forward, even north of the McMahon border.

Yet the longer-term causes of the fighting were messier. China, in the 1950s, had quashed an uprising by Tibetans north of the border. It had also stolen into territory in Jammu and Kashmir state, which India's considered to be its own land. In 1959 the , Tibetans' spiritual leader, fled into India, taking refuge at the monastery in Tawang. He was greeted warmly by India's politicians and public. Many thousands of other Tibetans followed, forming a government in exile. Arguably the conflict of 1962 was in part a belated, vindictive, reaction by Mao to punish his neighbour for granting asylum to an internal opponent.

Newly unearthed official documents shed additional light on the start of the war. From The Hindu's Ananth Krishnan:

Three months before China launched its offensive against India on October 20, 1962, a top Chinese official warned at a meeting with an Indian diplomat that China would take military action if India did not cease its continuing troop advancements in the west — a warning that went unheeded — according to recently declassified Chinese documents.

The documents, which include internal memos sent from Chinese officials in New Delhi to Beijing and notes of negotiations from 1950 to 1962, provide fresh insights into Chinese decision-making in the decade leading up to 1962 and shed light on missed opportunities to resolve the boundary issue — both during the ill-fated visit by Premier Zhou Enlai to New Delhi in 1960 and in the last-ditch talks held just three months before the war started.

At TIME, discussing Tibet's place in Sino-, Nilanjana Bhowmick argues that a repeat of the 1962 war is now unlikely:

While the dispute remains frozen over glacial passes and rounds of border talks yield pitiful results, the narrative of India-China ties has moved on. The last ten years have been shaped by growing, significant economic links. In 2005, the two countries agreed to a "strategic and cooperative partnership" after a meeting between Chinese premier Wen Jiabao and Indian PM Manmohan Singh. Last June, Chinese vice premier proclaimed Sino-Indian ties to be the most important bilateral relationship in the 21st century. "India and China are not in competition," Singh said in 2009. "There is enough economic space for us both."

[…] Given the political and economic stakes, both sides are likely to grudgingly preserve the status quo, at least for now. "There is a certain trend of animosity [in China] towards India, which is continuous," Mohan Guruswamy of the Observer Research Foundation says. "And we have to live with that just the way they have to live with our growing friendship with other countries and the Tibet issue. 1962, however, will never happen again."

But a recent Pew survey previously covered on CDT shows a deepening mutual wariness between the Chinese and Indian publics, reports Tom Wright at India Real Time:

[…] The Pew Research Center report, released Tuesday, shows that two-thirds of Chinese respondents viewed India unfavorably and 23% favorably. By comparison, 43% of Chinese involved in the survey said they viewed the U.S. favorably.

[…] What's perhaps most notable in the report is that only 39% of respondents said they viewed Beijing's relationship with India as one of cooperation, down significantly from 53% in 2010.

Only 23% of Indians term their nation's relationship with China as one of cooperation; only 24% think China's growing economy is a good thing, Pew research shows.

These negative attitudes mean it'll be hard for China and India to take bold measures needed to forge a long-lasting thaw in relations.

Meanwhile, writes Rajat Pandit at The Times of India, Indian military officers eye China with suspicion, claiming that lessons have been learned from 1962, and that "we can punch back now":

has always been the more in-your-face threat for India, stoking militancies, launching incursions and rattling its nuclear sabre. "But can be managed," says a senior military officer.

"China is the actual long-term threat. Its strategic intentions remain unclear. We have to constructively engage with Beijing but also keep our powder dry for all eventualities," he adds.

[…] China has systematically built military infrastructure all along the unresolved 4,056-km Line of Actual Control (LAC), with five airbases, an extensive rail network and over 58,000-km of roads in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). Apart from deploying medium-range ballistic missiles and fighters on the Tibetan plateau, People's Liberation Army (PLA) has now also taken to holding a series of high-end air and ground combat exercises near the Indian borders.

Beijing also continues to systematically widen its arc of influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) by forging extensive maritime linkages with eastern Africa, Seychelles, the Maldives, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Pakistan, among others. "China may be doing all this to protect its sea lanes supplying energy but it also strategically encircles India," says a naval officer.

This latter arena, complicated by energy supplies and trade routes, may play a more central role in future than the two countries' Himalayan border. From Rajeev Sharma at China's Global Times:

[…] China is not an Indian Ocean power and yet it is investing a lot of diplomatic and military capital into becoming one. In retaliation, India, which is not a power in the or , is working overtime to project itself as one. This is the crux of Sino-Indian strategic rivalries.

[…] In many ways, the South China Sea and Indian Ocean are strategically interrelated. The presence of a maritime power in one international water body inevitably increases its leverage in the other international water body. While China has been arguing that, despite the name, the Indian Ocean doesn't belong to India alone, India and other countries can equally contend that South China Sea too does not belong to China alone.


© Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
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China: Campaign to End the Unconstitutional Re-education Through Labour System

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 06:54 PM PDT

The injustice faced by 25-year-old Ren Jianyu, a village official in Pang Shui county, Chongqing province, who was sentenced to two years labour education for blogging has brought the Re-education Through Labour System into public spotlight. Currently, in October 2012, there are more than 60 thousand people detained in labour education camps all over the country and opinion leaders are calling for an end to the unconstitutional system.

2 years re-education labour for blogging

Ren Jianyu, a graduate from Chongqing Wenli College started his career as a village teacher in Pang Shui County in 2008. Later, in 2009, he decided to apply for the position of village official and began to blog about the frustration he faced in handling village affairs under the pseudo name Xiao Ben. In 2011, he started commenting on current issues on social media platforms and some of his micro-blogs such as "this society is so full of evil people while good people have bad luck. The mission of our generation is to eradicate the evil system and protect goodness", have become evidence of "state sedition". (via report from infzm.com [zh])

Ren Jianyu's photo. Public domain photo.

On 18 of August 2011, he was arrested by Pang Shui Police. Even though the police reported that "there was no evidence that Ren had committed state sedition" and the People's Procuratorate of Chongqing city decided to drop the charge, the Chongqing Re-education Through Labour Committee decided to sentence Ren to two years labour re-education on 23 of September 2011. The so-called evidence of "state sedition" presented by the committee was Ren's micro-blog comments.

Ren tried to file for appeal but no lawyers dared to take up the case until June 2012. Three months after former Chongqing CCP leader Bo Xilai stepped down, Beijing lawyer Pu Zhiqiang approached Ren and took up the appeal case.

As the details of the case were exposed, major CCP mouthpieces, including Global Times and the People's Daily also published commentaries to criticize the Chongqing Committee's decision and call for more freedom of expression.

More than 60 thousands still detained in Re-education Labour Camps

Ren is only one of the 60 thousand plus victims of the Re-education through Labour System who are punished directly by the police authorities rather than through the judicial system. According to the report on ND Daily [zh], currently more than 60 thousand people are detained in Re-education labour camps all over the country and the Central Legal Reform Committee admitted in October 9, 2012 that the System has some procedure defects and should be reformed. While some are pondering whether or not the progressive gesture is a by-product of the power struggle before the up-coming 18th CCP Congress, online opinion leaders, in particular those from the legal field, are pushing for an end to the system rather than reform. 21ccom.net posted an opinion piece [zh] written by Feng Yuxiong:

Protest against the Re-education Through Labour System. Photo from Human Rights Campaign in China.

被劳教的都是些什么人,那些人到底危害了谁的利益?根据学者研究,劳教制度发挥作用的地方主要是这么几种:处罚那些多次违法且屡教不改者,比如多次盗窃,寻衅滋事的人;关押上访维权的人;出于维稳需要,处罚不听话者,如在房屋拆迁、黄金开采、户口管理、出租车管理等方面违反了地方政府的规定的那些人;刑事案件中因证据不足、案情复杂等原因难以移送起诉的人;为创收做贡献,对卖淫、嫖娼、聚赌人员以劳教相威胁,收取高额罚款。

  除了第一类惯偷惯犯跟社会安全有关外,其它几类均属于为维护某些既得利益集团和政府部门利益而侵害人权的行为。此时的公安机关,是某些人的家丁,而不是人民利益的维护者。劳教制度之所以无法改革,就是因为公安机关的强力阻挠。

Who are the people sentenced to re-education through labour? Whose interests had they harmed? According to existing research, the re-education through labour system punishes those people who: refuse to correct their wrongs, such as stealing, causing public disorder; visit petitioners; those who disobey the local government in demolition, mining, household registration, taxi management etc.; suspects of criminal cases who have not been prosecuted because of lack of evidence; those who are engaged in gambling and prostituting activities.

Apart from stealing, which involves public interest, all the above mentioned prosecutions are in violation of human rights as the sole objective is to protect the existing interest bloc and government sectors. The police authorities become some people's servants rather than defenders of people's interests. The reason why the central government has failed to reform the re-education through labour system is because of the strong opposition from police authorities.

劳教作为脱胎于威权时代的一种社会控制方法,与法治理念格格不入。如果我们仅仅因为担心社会秩序,而容忍一个明显违法的不正当制度长期存在,那只能说明,我们的执政者对法治根本没有任何信心,所谓一切政党、国家机关和社会团体的活动必须置于宪法法律之下根本就是一句空话。如果当政者尚且玩弄法律,怎么能要求人民信赖法律、遵守法律?

  实际上,目前中国的劳教制度无论是从被劳教人数还是从业人员规模看,都处于强化阶段,这是正在发生的事实,公众舆论热火朝天地讨论改革还是废除,没有影响这一进程。由于各种改革方案始终不能被各方接受,改革就只能一再搁浅,于是劳教制度就心安理得地存在并强化着,这实在是莫大的悲剧。没有最佳改革方案就只能维持现状,这种思路本身就是有问题的,既然劳教制度违法、违宪,是彻彻底底的恶劣制度,我们就必须立刻无条件废止,至于以后是建立违法行为矫治制度,还是保安处分制度,还是别的什么制度,都要留待废除之后再做讨论。

Re-education through labour is a social control mechanism developed from the authoritarian era. It is at odds with the idea of "rule of law". If we allow such an illegal system to exist because of social stability concerns, it indicates that those in power show a lack of confidence in the law. The over-arching constitution becomes a piece of paper. If the ruling elites are manipulating the law, how can people live by the law?

In fact, if we take a closer look at the number of detainees and staff, the Re-education through Labour System has been expanding even though the public are debating whether to reform the system or to abolish it. In the end, the debate will lead to the maintenance of the status quo. If the Re-education Through Labour system is against the law and constitution, it is an evil system and we have to abolish it with no other conditions. If we have to introduce other systems to fill in the gap, that should be another discussion.

An end to the unconstitutional system

Feng's opinion has a lot of echoes in social media. Below are my picks of the discussion [zh]:

hainiesi:两年前,李庄还是名被认为"臭名召著"的黑律师,任建宇也是被认为是个"愤青"。两年后,李庄和任建宇成了结束中国社会左转和废除中国劳教制度的关键人物,中国这社会,就是有那么多神奇的事说不清。我们对未来应该乐观,废除劳教制度,放宽新闻审查,去毛化毛主席入土为安,如此中国社会才有新纪元。

hainiesi: Two years ago, Li Zhuang was labelled as "notorious black lawyer" and Ren Jianyu as "Angry Youth". Two years later, they become the key person to abolish the Re-education through Labour System. The Chinese society is so full of strange happenings. We should be optimistic for the future. Abolish the Re-education Through Labour System, grant freedom to press and let Mao Tsedong died in peace. Then we can enter a new era.

斯伟江:劳教手段被公安有时滥用,恐怕是不争的事实,在重庆,无非是极端化了,譬如一坨屎案或任建宇案,但,更多的是,打民警一耳光被劳教,阻扰执法被劳教等,本身行为人有过错,但罪不至被限制人身自由一年的例子,这种才最普遍。在法制最发达地区上海都如此,我想其他地方绝对不会比上海状况好。

斯伟江: It is an inarguable fact that the police authorities have abused their power through the Re-education through Labour system. In Chongqing, cases like Ren Jianyu are very extreme. However, a majority of the cases involve very minor offenses such as obstructing police officers' duty. The offenders do something wrong, but one year restriction of freedom is too much. Such cases are very common in Shanghai, which has better respect of the legal system. Other areas would be far worse than Shanghai.

何兵:【劳教】我导师北大姜明安教授说,劳教过大于功,但确实能教育人。我开玩笑说,您满口湖南话,这么多北京人,这么多年,也没把您教育过来。如把您放回湖南,一堆湖南人在一起,有指望吗?劳教场所"坏人"成堆?所谓教育,全是骗人。劳教培养着仇恨和复仇,培育着政权的掘墓人。

何兵: My teacher, Jiang Mingan from Beida said that Re-education through Labour does more wrong than good, but it is effective to "re-educate" people. I jokingly said that, listen to your Hunan accent, living among with Beijing people for so many years, you still could not correct your accent. If I put you back together with Hunan people, will that give you a better chance for correction? There are so many "bad people" in Re-education camp, how can you get education? It is a place for nourishing resentment and hatred - grave diggers for the rulers.

租售情报-上海别墅版:首先想被劳教的都是什么人!大部分都是进京告状的!为何要进京告状,因为地方腐败,官官相护!几千年了,还是如此,你说中国还有希望吗?

租售情报-上海别墅版 Most of the re-educated are petitioners. Why do they petition? Because of local corruption. The officials are covering for each other. It has been like this for thousands of years. Do we still have hope?

肖文军律师:一直强调要废除"劳教",但其实法律上劳教早已被废除,不合法,但这样被废除不合法制度却保持旺盛生命力,每一起劳教都是公权力严重违法犯罪的行为,但却无人被追究,这只能见证中国法律的苍白无力。废除劳教根本不需要什么程序,什么法律,认可劳教合理存在,就是对法律否定,劳教根本不是废除问题

肖文军律师: We have been advocating for the abolition of "Re-education Through Labour". Actually, it has been abolished as the system is illegal. It does not have legal grounds. But such an illegal system continues to survive and grow. Each prosecution is against the law but no one is taking the responsibility. It reflects how weak our legal system is. We don't need a procedure or another set of laws to abolish the system. Its existence is a denial of the rule of law. It is not an issue of abolition.

Written by Oiwan Lam · comments (0)
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Power Brokers Agree on Leadership? (Updated)

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 03:25 PM PDT

For months, Zhongnanhai watchers have speculated over who will take over the powerful in the upcoming once-a-decade , and whether the current nine members will be reduced to seven. The scandal surrounding disgraced Chongqing Party chief Bo Xilai has thrown a wrench in the succession plans, as he was widely expected to take a place on the Standing Committee. Reuters is now reporting that the decision about the makeup of the Standing Committee has already been made, quoting three sources close to the top leadership, ahead of the November 8 start of the :

They said former President , current President Hu Jintao and Hu's likely successor, , have forged a consensus on candidates for the top decision-making body, the Politburo Standing Committee – a move that could pave the way for a smooth selection process after months of political tumult.

Their list – still subject to opposition and change by other party elders – envisages a Standing Committee cut to seven from nine and headed by Xi and Premier-designate , 57, who is considered the only other certainty to make the top team.

A smaller committee would make it easier for Xi, 59, to establish his authority and push through badly needed reforms, the sources said. They noted that the preferred list would include Vice Premier , 64, a darling of foreign investors who currently runs the finance portfolio.

However, the ticket omits one of the party's most outspoken political reformers, , 57, party boss of southern province. A contender, he is viewed by many in the West as a beacon of political reform due to his relative tolerance of freer speech and grassroots civil rights.

Read more about the 5th generation of Party leaders and the 18th Party Congress, via CDT.

Updated at 21:20 PST: The New York Times' Keith Bradsher reports that Wang Qishan may land in a nominally superior but less powerful role than the executive vice premiership for which he has previously been tipped:

While the responsibilities of China's new leadership team have not yet been finalized — and are not expected to be announced until the end of the Party Congress — the emerging consensus is that Mr. Wang is likely to be promoted to a position on the Standing Committee of the Politburo, China's top decision-making body, but not to have day-to-day control of the bureaucracy that oversees China's still largely state-driven economy.

Insiders say they now expect that economic policy will be left mostly in the hands of Li Keqiang, who is set to replace Wen Jiabao as prime minister next year. Mr. Li, 57, is a highly educated official with an almost professorial style who is said to read voluminous economic policy reports in often minute detail.

[…] One [insider] said that there had been a push in late summer by some party elders for Mr. Wang to be named prime minister instead of Mr. Li. But that push appears not only to have fallen short but possibly backfired by hurting relations between them, the insider said.


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Stumbling at the First Hurdle

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 02:48 PM PDT

In a flashback to the London Olympics, one netizen compared track star 's Olympic defeat to China's 20th century :

binfensuiyue: Today is the 101st anniversary of the Xinhai Revolution. In the past, we were at the head of Asia's race towards democratic society.  And then, and then, at the first hurdle, we hurt our foot.

缤纷岁月:今天是辛亥革命101周年纪念,我们曾经是亚洲第一个起跑,冲向民主社会的国家。后来,后来,在第一个栏杆的时候,我们的脚受伤了。


October 10th, when this was first posted, marks the beginning of the Xinhai Revolution, which ousted the Qing Dynasty and ushered in China's brief experiment with democracy under the () and the (). The republic quickly succumbed to warlordism and was sundered even further by the Japanese occupation during . The and the () cooperated in fighting the Japanese, but found themselves locked into civil war after 1945. The was defeated in 1949 and the ROC government fled to , where it survives today.

Hurdler Liu Xiang has long been China's most famous athlete and Olympic hopeful, but injury has kept him from finishing events at both the Beijing and London Olympics. Weeks after a dramatic fall at this year's 100-meter hurdle event, the Nanjing newspaper Oriental Guardian revealed that Liu and CCTV knew he was likely to re-injure his long-suffering Achilles tendon. CCTV approved four scripts in preparation, eventually using the "choked up" version on air.

Willingly or not, mainland China failed in its first attempt at democracy. Will it pick itself and try again? If it does, will it clear the hurdle?

Via AmazeNews. Translation by Irene Hsiao.


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Spotted on Weibo: Birkin Bag with Chinese Characteristics

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 09:52 AM PDT

As every school child in China knows, the red color in the Chinese flag symbolizes revolution–dyed by the blood of martyrs who made the ultimate sacrifice for the Communist cause, as it is often said. So it is more than a bit jarring to see this Hermes Birkins bag on Sina Weibo, China's Twitter, posted by Ms. Mao Yuping, chairwoman of Precious Gold Holding Ltd., with the message: "Hermes' global artistic director Mr. Pascale Mussard is so thoughtful. I received this early Christmas present he tailor-made for me, with such Chinese characteristics. The Chinese flag flies in my heart. " [1] 

The tweet has been retweeted more than 15,000 times in less than four hours. 

Ms. Mao has clearly never considered the irony of printing a flag symbolizing the struggles of the have-nots on a bag worth tens of thousands of dollars, and she has never met the thoughtful "Mr. Mussard," who is actually a woman, the heiress of the Hermes dynasty. 

Ms. Mao and her long-time partner, Mr. Zhou Zhengyi, are legendary for their rags-to-riches story, making their fortunes through shadowy dealings in Shanghai's real estate and securities market that ultimately led to some jail time. It is perhaps the collective memory of grinding poverty lurking in the background that endows China's nouveau riche (or at least nouveau middle-class) with such ardor for the once-unthinkable levels of bling now found in many parts of the country. It's also likely what blinded Ms. Mao to the poignant irony of her new acquisition–in moving beyond her hardscrabble past so successfully, she has forgotten it too completely. 

Footnotes    (? returns to text)
  1. Hermes全球艺术总监Pascale Mussard先生太有心了,那么早就收到了他为我定制的圣诞节礼物,很有中国特色,五星红旗在我心里飘扬!?

What We Need to Hear From the Candidates on China

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 09:36 AM PDT

Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney listens to U.S. President Barack Obama during the second U.S. presidential campaign debate in Hempstead, New York, on October 16, 2012.

A few weeks back I explored the quality of the China debate in the Presidential campaign and found it sadly lacking. The campaigns have targeted China as a critical issue, but not in a way that elevates the discourse. China-bashing television ads and debate over whose pension fund has Chinese companies in its portfolio are not going to help the American people understand who would better manage U.S.-China relations and China's rise. As a result, I raised a number of potential issues I thought might help answer this question.

Now with the foreign policy debate just a few days away, I see that the moderator Bob Schieffer has selected "The rise of China and tomorrow's world" as one of the five central topics for the debate. The somewhat awkward-sounding but bold title has reinforced my sense that the candidates need to be pushed out of their comfort zones to address the more strategic challenges that China is likely to present.

Here are four questions I think might help force a bigger picture debate:

  • China has a seat on the UN Security Council, the world's second largest economy, and one of the world's largest standing armies. Yet it remains reluctant to assume a leading role in addressing global challenges. How can the next U.S. President ensure that China works with the United States and does its fair share to meet the world's most pressing global problems?
  • China's economy is widely anticipated to become the largest in the world—surpassing that of the United States—within the next five to ten years. What difference, if any, do you expect that will make in the U.S.-China bilateral relationship and in global economic relations?
  • In the past several months, a number of conflicts have flared up in the Asia Pacific between China and its neighbors. Some have blamed the U.S. pivot for emboldening actors in the region to take provocative actions. Mr. President, is this growing regional tension an outcome you anticipated or did you miscalculate?  What further steps would you take to help decrease tensions? Governor Romney, you have asserted that the pivot was oversold and under-resourced. Please explain what you would do differently as president.
  • China has achieved extraordinary economic success with a one-party authoritarian system that continues to limit many of the basic human rights that we in the United States value and have fought for throughout the world. Does China present a credible alternative development model for other countries? Does this pose an existential threat to U.S. standing abroad?

Frankly, I am glad that unlike the Middle East, China is not reeling from one crisis to another, while the United States struggles to find effective policy tools. China does not provide safe haven for terrorists and it did not trigger the global financial crisis. For the purposes of the presidential debate on foreign policy, that makes China appear a second tier issue.

Still, China may well pose a far more serious strategic challenge to the United States and the global system. Chinese officials have called for the world to move away from the dollar as its reserve currency, challenged U.S. notions of good governance throughout the world, and blocked U.S. initiatives to address crises in Syria and Iran. All of this makes China an issue of paramount importance for the presidential debate. Let's hope that Mr. Schieffer can push the candidates to take the issue and the American people seriously enough to aim for profound rather than petty.

Brown University’s Chinese Students Hear Dalai Lama’s Words and Say, “Meh”

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 08:43 AM PDT

His Holiness the Dalai Lama ingratiated himself to Brunonians by sporting a bit of Brown swag. (Mike Cohea/Brown University)

We Brunonians have been anticipating the Dalai Lama's arrival for weeks, and on Wednesday, October 17 the day finally came when His Holiness delivered Brown University's Stephen A. Ogden Jr. '60 Memorial Lecture on International Affairs here in Providence, Rhode Island.  A friend on Facebook said that he waited in line in front of the Rhode Island Convention Center for an hour and fell asleep during the lecture. Sad story.

But what's probably even more sad is that he didn't miss that much–except probably the moment when His Holiness put on a Brown baseball cap to sport some hometown swag. And when he told his audience to either share his thought with others, if they found it interesting, or just to "forget" it, the stenographer transcribed it as "fuck it." The Huffington Post then wrote a short piece called "At Dalai Lama Brown University Speech, Profanity 'F**k it' Mistakenly Attributed toBuddhist Leader," with other national news media also reporting similar stories. Oh well. Guess that's what we really care about.

The Dalai Lama talked about how he has long lived in a violent world and how the younger generation should open their minds to a new way of thinking in this century of dialogue and compassion. Taking care of others is important for one's own happiness, and happiness is where peace stems from, said His Holiness.

And he didn't say a lot more than that. I was disappointed because I expected him to speak a bit about the fraught Tibet-China relationship, or at least say something about politics. Instead, all he talked about was happiness, peace, respect, and religion.

In his lecture, His Holiness stuck to themes of spirituality and steered clear of politics. (Frank Mullin/Brown University)

Trevor Manuel, Finance Minister of South Africa, once told the press that "to say anything against the Dalai Lama is in some quarters, equivalent to trying to shoot Bambi." I wonder what he meant by calling Dalai Lama "Bambi": Is it because the Lama supports human right, animal welfare and world peace, and he is concerned about environmental problems? Or is it because he is "innocent," "harmless" and even "vulnerable" like Bambi?

Before the lecture, I talked to a reporter sitting right next to me about our general impression of the Lama. She said that most Americans see him as a religious leader and a symbol of peace and non-violence. The Dalai Lama is often compared with a Buddha, and many people here think of him as a Gandhi-esque character. Meanwhile, in China, the Dalai Lama is almost never covered in the news. And when he is, he is mentioned as a political figure who fights for Tibet's independence against the Communist Party.

I asked my Chinese friends at Brown about their opinions of the Dalai Lama's lecture. A Chinese student in the class of 2014 calls him Tibet's "Mr. puppet." My friend doesn't necessarily mean that the spiritual leader is heavily manipulated by Western society in order to control Tibet's foreign policy, as often explained in Chinese newspapers; rather, he compares the Dalai Lama with American politicians, seeing him as a spokesperson of an ideology.

Kelly Wang, a junior studying computer science, doesn't share such opinions. She thought the Dalai Lama's lecture was pretty interesting. "The whole point is to bring such peaceful attitudes to more and more people," Kelly said. She was also impressed by the Dalai Lama's demeanor: Gentle, humorous, and radiating goodness.

Some others were just as disappointed as I was, but they just didn't want to make it too obvious. I asked on Facebook whether I was the only one who was not impressed by the lecture, and a friend commented: "I didn't like the lecture at all but at the same time I didn't want to post on [Facebook] as if I really disliked it." He explained that the lecture was too general and the Lama is limited by his English. "We just expected much more."

The Dalai Lama got a rapturous reception at the Rhode Island Convention Center. (Frank Mullin/Brown University)

Yizhi Xiao, a graduate student in comparative literature, made a little joke about the Lama's speech, saying that it reminds him of "sixties hippie stuff." "I can totally see John Lennon giving this whole lecture–if not singing it aloud."

His comment reminds me of a conversation I overheard between two excited undergraduate students on their way to the Rhode Island Convention Center. They were talking about famous people they have seen at Brown:

"When was the last time someone important came to Brown? "

"Hmm, I remember it was my first year here. Justin Bieber came."

"Did you go to his concert?!"

 

Sensitive Words: Luzhou Riots, Liao Yiwu and More

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 08:02 AM PDT

A vehicle burning in , .

As of October 19, the following search terms are blocked on Sina (not including the "search for user" function):

Rioting in Luzhou, Sichuan Province: Crowds jammed the streets and overturned police vehicles after a truck was reportedly beaten to death by police.

- Luzhou traffic police (泸州交警)
- Luzhou + public anger (泸州+民愤)
- Luzhou + riot (泸州+骚乱)
- riot (暴乱): retested

: In his acceptance speech for the German Book Trade Peace Prize, the writer in exile stated of China that "this empire must break apart."

- Liao Yiwu (廖亦武): retested
- empire + break apart (帝国+分裂)

Other:

- defend Sibada (保卫斯巴达): 斯巴达 Sībādá sounds like 十八大 Shíbā Dà, an abbreviation for the

Note: All Chinese-language words are tested using simplified characters. The same terms in traditional characters occasionally return different results. 

CDT Chinese runs a project that crowd-sources filtered keywords on Sina Weibo search.  CDT independently tests the keywords before posting them, but some searches later become accessible again. We welcome readers to contribute to this project so that we can include the most up-to-date information. To add words, check out the form at the bottom of CDT Chinese's latest sensitive words post.


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The Daily Twit – 10/19/12: U.S. and China Steel Fighting

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 02:57 AM PDT

Seems like all I do these days is write about the U.S.-China relationship. Things could be a lot better, but bilateral relations aren't as bad as the rhetoric might suggest. I blame the election/leadership change and expect that things will quiet down later this year.

The latest trade issue in the news is the end of the WTO Grain Oriented Flat-rolled Electrical Steel (aka GOES) case, which the U.S. won back in June. China appealed on a few items and the appellate body sided with the U.S. I might write a post about the dispute over the next few days, but if I do, it will be limited to the issue of transparency.

If you want to read up on the case:

WTO: China — Countervailing and Anti-Dumping Duties on Grain Oriented Flat-rolled Electrical Steel from the United States (report text and WTO links)

USTR: United States Prevails in Steel Dispute with China (U.S. government press release)

Financial Times: WTO bans Chinese tariffs on US steel — Odd headline. This was a narrow anti-dumping decision that applies to a specific type of product.

BBC News: China tariffs on US steel: WTO rejects Beijing's appeal

Reuters: WTO hands Obama victory in U.S.-China steel case

Xinhua: WTO rejects China's appeal in US steel dispute — This is just straight news. I looked around for the usual "China regrets the decision of the WTO" but couldn't find anything. I expect the Ministry of Commerce had something to say, but I haven't seen it yet.

Here are a few more items for your weekend reading:

Guardian: China's economy slows down – threatening western bottom lines – Some skepticism about China's GDP numbers, with a look at MNCs and their forecasting as another measure of where things are in terms of growth.

New York Times: China's Post-Cheesecake Economy — A quirky look at some of the imagery and metaphors used to talk about the Chinese economy. Refreshing.

Reuters: China January-September FDI down 3.8 percent on year to $83.4 billion

Foreign Policy: To Renminbi Or Not to Renminbi? - Why China's currency isn't taking over the world — Excellent article by Victor Shih and Susan Shirk about RMB internationalization and what needs to happen before it becomes a reality.

Wall Street Journal: The Mechanics of Moving Cash Out of China — I always found this topic kind of fun, even going back to the days when folks were taking suitcases of cash down south with them. Still an important issue, particularly with the recent capital flight.

Andrew Sullivan: Is China A Cheater? — This is the subject I talked about yesterday, although instead of trade, I was mostly discussing IP.

Financial Times: Chinese group in insider trade settlement — Looks like we're not going to see any litigation over the CNOOC-Nexen insider trading, but at least the bad guys had to pay something. These days in the financial services sector, that's (unfortunately) a big win.

Global Times: Injury lawsuits rise among seniors — Not as boring as it sounds. This is one of those strange effects, apparently, of economic development in China. Seniors are getting out more, traveling, living longer, and have better access to heath care. Result: more injuries and lawsuits.

Stanley Lubman: Vital Task for China's Next Leaders: Fix Environmental Protection — Law prof Lubman on the huge enviro challenge facing China after the leadership change. Indeed.


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Ai Weiwei: “China Must Recognize Itself”

Posted: 19 Oct 2012 01:10 AM PDT

Dissident artist served as guest editor and appears on cover of the latest issue of British magazine , in which he leads with a challenge for China to re-evaluate and recognize its position in the world as it seeks answers to the many problems it faces:

The future of China is uncertain. I believe that the world is becoming a better place, largely thanks to advances in technology which help us to address so many of the problems that we face. The expanding use of social media and the internet will help China become a more conscious and intelligent country, but the future remains uncertain. There are problems ahead which we can't even identify yet, and it is vital to be prepared and to meet these challenges in every way we can.

Whatever the future problems are, I believe that, both as an in­ternational society and as an individual, you have to see the human problem as one. We share this planet and we have been divided for too long, for ridiculous reasons. Now, we have to come together and say, as one, that we share the same values, that we can respect differences and that, together, we can create the best possible solutions.

If I have one message for you, the readers of the New Statesman magazine, whether you are reading this in English or in Mandarin, on the page or online, it is this: the only way we can be successful, in China and in life, is through greater communication and wider awareness, in constantly questioning our standards and our conditions. You, as readers, are part of this, you are active members of this family, and you can be proud of that.

Ai, who placed third in ArtReview's 2012 ranking of the most powerful figures in the art world, becomes the eighth guest to edit the New Statesman. The magazine's features editor, Sophie Elmhirst, details the story behind Ai Weiwei's role:

Ai Weiwei agreed to guest edit the New Statesman in April this year. We had sent the invitation to him six months earlier via his London representatives, the Lisson Gallery, but, understandably, it took him a little while to respond. Last year, Ai spent 81 days in detention. An artist already renowned for his work and fearless irreverence towards the Chinese authorities became a global cause when he was arrested at Beijing Capital Airport and detained in a secret location. Given the level of international attention and the ongoing pressure on Ai even after he was released (he was quickly filed with a £1.5m fine for tax evasion), it seemed unlikely that we would hear back from him. But then, suddenly, he said yes.

Looking back, that out-of-nowhere yes makes more sense than it did at the time. After spending a week with Ai at his studio in Beijing, I learned that he likes to do things on instinct. The more unexpected an opportunity, the more attractive it is to him, especially if it offers a platform for challenging the Chinese government. And when he says yes, he means yes.

Over a week in Beijing I met with Ai almost every day and his team – a group of highly talented and motivated photographers, organisers and writers in their own right – pitched a stream of ideas. We could have made a book: the challenge was to edit down the material into a series of pieces that could fit into a magazine. And there was another test too: language. The vast majority of this issue of the New Statesman – for the first time in its – was written originally in Chinese by Chinese writers, activists, academics and artists. After I returned from Beijing and had firmed up with Ai and his team which article commissions, photography essays and interviews were going to be included, we started, slowly but surely, to receive the copy, which had to be translated into English and then edited in both languages. The plan from the start was to produce the issue in both Chinese and English (see deputy editor Helen Lewis's account of distributing the Chinese version behind the "great firewall"). Usually we produce one magazine a week; this time it was two, with one version in a language that no one in the New Statesman office could speak, read or write. But with the help of translators, Chinese friends, Ai Weiwei and his team we got there in the end.

New Statesman also produced a digital PDF version of this week's issue in Chinese, which it uploaded to file-sharing sites in order to circumvent a censorship regime that has "tried to obliterate the existence of Ai Weiwei from the internet". From an essay about by former newspaper editor and secret detainment victim , to an interview Ai conducted with a paid internet troll charged with disrupting netizen debates, deputy editor Helen Lewis promises Chinese readers they will find "a story very different from the one they are told by the state-controlled press".

See also previous CDT coverage of Ai Weiwei, including an interview he gave to German magazine Der Spiegel earlier this month.


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Beating a Dead Horse: Chinese Investment and the U.S. National Security Excuse

Posted: 18 Oct 2012 11:15 PM PDT

I hope I'm not beating a dead horse here (i.e., talking repeatedly about the same issue), but some of the local push back I'm seeing here in China on these U.S. investment deals is rather mindless. Obviously we have hit a rough patch with respect to outward Chinese direct investment to the United States. Just in the past few weeks, we've seen the Ralls wind farm rejection and two separate investigations against Huawei (one of which also dealt with ZTE) which concluded that doing business with the telecom firm(s) would entail a significant security risk.

Is there any connection between the Ralls rejection and the Huawei/ZTE investigations? Here's a statement from Xinhua today that says yes:

It was not a coincidence that Chinese construction equipment maker Sany Group sued US President Barack Obama and Chinese telecommunications company Huawei was cleared of espionage suspicions by a White House-ordered review.

These two Chinese companies were both blocked from investing in the US market for the reason of allegedly posing "national security risks."

The national security excuse has backfired, with some US politicians making something out of nothing.

Yes, both of these items involved Chinese companies and perceived national security risks. But if the results were not a coincidence, what does that mean?

I assume that we are supposed to believe that there is a China bashing conspiracy going on here, that Huawei, ZTE and Ralls have all been treated unfairly for some reason (China bashing or protectionism – not sure which one Xinhua was going for this time).

Of course, if you're going to posit that this was all coordinated, it might help to explain why. Aside from these being Chinese companies and the problems being related to national security, I'm not sure what the common thread here is.

As I've written many times now, I have problems with the Ralls decision. I find it difficult to believe the national security objections, particularly since Ralls had already complied with a U.S. Navy mitigation plan. That's why with respect to this deal, I question whether China bashing or some sort of protectionism might be involved.

With Huawei and ZTE, I take the other position. The fears of future security problems seem reasonable, and certainly not so far fetched that, in the absence of clear evidence to the contrary, I would entertain the possibility of local protectionism or good old fashioned China bashing.

So I'm not buying any attempt at dumping these items in one category and calling it a trend.

Moreover, let's make sure we stick with the facts. The above quote notes that these Chinese companies have been "blocked" from investing in the U.S. Not exactly true. Ralls had one project blocked, but I don't see any reason why it cannot continue with other U.S. deals.

For Huawei and ZTE, their future in the U.S. looks much dimmer, although neither the House report nor the White House investigation blocked anything, but were more akin to supervisory opinions. The result might very well be that future deals involving Huawei and ZTE will indeed be blocked as a result of these investigations, but technically neither the House committee nor the White House are the ones doing the blocking.

I am also confused by Xinhua's use of the term "backfired." Exactly what has backfired for the U.S.? That's very odd language. For something to backfire, there needs to be an unwanted effect. The U.S. has made life difficult for Ralls, Huawei, and ZTE, and it has angered Beijing. In the future, U.S. companies may very well run into some problems in China because, you know, reciprocity is a bitch. By the way, China has its own national security review process, albeit a relatively new one. You think it might start using it? You bet your ass. But this is all speculation, and for the U.S. government, so what? Nothing has backfired, at least not yet.

Finally, a quick comment on the Sany/Ralls lawsuit, which I've also mentioned before. Sany's chairman has been quite vocal about how he intends to take this "all the way." Unfortunately, the U.S. statute that authorizes CFIUS and the president to make these investment decisions does not allow for judicial review of presidential orders. Sorry, but that seems rather clear, and the Ralls "appeal" appears to be a sure loser, unless someone comes up with a creative angle.

It probably doesn't need to be said, but just because you sue someone, that doesn't mean that you are supporting the rule of law:

If it is a signal that Obama wants to send to Chinese investors, it would be a very bad one. Investors may rethink their decisions if their assets are handled without legal basis or business logic.

Bashing Chinese companies in the name of "national security" betrays the US spirit of openness.

Resorting to law shows Chinese companies' confidence in safeguarding their own interests.

Wu Jialiang, Ralls's chief executive and a Sany executive, said Sany launched the suit because it trusts the US legal system.

If Sany wins the case, it will be good news even for the American people, as it will prove that the US remains a country governed under the rule of law. If Sany loses, many Chinese entrepreneurs may be more wary about future investment in the US.

Oh, please. I don't like the result in the Ralls case either, but the president undoubtedly has the authority to make that decision. I'm glad to hear that Sany trusts the U.S. legal system so much; too bad it doesn't trust its U.S. legal counsel more, as I expect that person is probably advising that the suit should be dropped.

I tend to get annoyed when an entire legal system is disparaged because someone doesn't like a specific case, particularly when the critic is an interested party! I remember when everyone in the U.S. condemned the judicial system there because of the infamous McDonald's "hot coffee" litigation. The whole thing was remarkable in its stupidity. Similar things are said about China's legal system whenever there is a high profile criminal case involving a government official. No, says I, those are individual cases and shouldn't be used to condemn the entire system.

The Ralls decision might have been unfair, and you may not like the treatment of Huawei and ZTE, but I think it's time to move on.


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