Blogs » Politics » Apple Solves Diaoyu Dispute, but Drains the Yangtze

Blogs » Politics » Apple Solves Diaoyu Dispute, but Drains the Yangtze


Apple Solves Diaoyu Dispute, but Drains the Yangtze

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 11:34 PM PDT

Alongside promised features for Chinese users such as enhanced language support and integration with Baidu, Youku, Tudou and , 's new iOS 6 has brought an unexpected solution to the thorny dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands.

Rumours had circulated (via Bill Bishop) of a on the 5 because the OS's new were said to attribute ownership of the islands to . In fact, the islands are unlabelled, and outside China they can be located by searching for either "" or "Senkaku Islands", or their hanzi/kanji equivalents. (Searches for Senkaku or other Japanese place names are blocked in China, according to Matthew Stinson). Apple went further, however, duplicating the islands so that China and Japan could each have a set:

Double Diaoyu

Elsewhere, the maps' idiosyncracies are perhaps less inspired. Australian Business Traveller (via Brian Wong) noted some China-specific problems, including a missing Yangtze River:

No Yangtze


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Photo: “Diaoyus Belong to China …”, by Christopher Cherry

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 10:37 PM PDT

"Diaoyus Belong to China …"


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Lunch with Chen Guangcheng

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 10:33 PM PDT

The Financial Times' Jamil Anderlini has pizza with Chen Guangcheng and discusses food in New York, house arrest in Dongshigu, and Chen's plans to return to China.

[…] Before we start eating, he asks if he can hold my digital recorder. "I have a deep fondness for audio recorders," he tells me, as he examines my device with his fingertips. "I was given one in 2005 that I used to document accounts of the government's violent practices. It survived countless confiscation raids on my house and I still have it today."

His casual, dispassionate reference to the work that got him into so much trouble is striking, as is the serenity and forgiveness he displays while describing horrific events and the people who subjected him to them.


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The Dangerous Game of Protesting in China

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 09:15 PM PDT

Some observers of the recent anti-Japan protests have questioned the government's role in facilitating the demonstrations. Skeptics are pointing out that nationalistic provide the perfect distraction for the public from the upcoming leadership transition, the scandal surrounding Bo Xilai, and a host of other domestic sources of discontent. For the New York Review of Books, Perry Link looks at the political manipulation of the protests and compares them to the demonstrations (as did our correspondent, Jane Wang, who recently sent in her observations of the protests in Shanghai):

It is significant that the numbers of protesters, by Chinese standards, are small. Crowds are in the hundreds, rarely over a thousand. By contrast the crowd at the pro-democracy demonstrations at Tiananmen in 1989 reached a million at its peak. There is no doubt which cause had the deeper appeal. Today, too, measured in numbers, the complaints of Chinese protesters are overwhelmingly not about uninhabited islands but about things closer to home—, pollution, land annexation, special privilege, and abuse of power—and the usual adversaries today are not but Chinese officials and the wealthy people associated with them. The Chinese police handle, on average, two hundred or more "mass incidents"—meaning demonstrations, riots, road-blockages, and the like—every day. This kind of is perennial but not well reported. The are highly unusual but assiduously reported.

From the regime's point of view, the reporting is the whole point. The purpose of instigating protests is to generate "mass opinion" to serve a political purpose. Let me offer an especially clear example from a different context. In March, 2008, in Lhasa, Tibet, young Tibetans went on a rampage against Chinese shop owners. Some people say that agents provocateurs were at work, some say not. But in either case, credible eyewitnesses on both sides reported that for several hours Chinese police stood by and did nothing. They watched the looting and burning of stores while reporters from state-owned media made video recordings. Only when the taping was over did the police step in, arresting hundreds. Then, during the ensuing seventy-two hours, Chinese television—nationwide—showed and re-showed the video footage, explaining that the , a wolf in sheep's clothing, had been the instigator of the mayhem. Twenty days later, when young Tibetans ventured onto the streets of Lhasa and seemed ready to protest again, the police quelled them instantly. This time there was no need for videotapes.

What is it, today, that the people at the top in China want to achieve by stimulating and advertising anti-Japan sentiment? They do not say, of course, so the world must guess, but in broad outline the guessing isn't very hard. The people at the top, who are used to maintaining a smooth façade, have every reason right now to distract attention from the unexpectedly messy handover of power now taking place, the results of which are hugely important to them. Not only power but tremendous amounts of wealth are at stake. The outcome of the power struggle in Beijing could affect the whole nation, but the people at the top prefer that the whole nation be gazing in a different direction. The trial of Wang Lijun—the police chief of disgraced senior politician Bo Xilai who was closely involved in the Neil Heywood murder affair—has been unfolding this week concurrently with the anti-Japan flare-ups. It should and would be a sensation but isn't: if it were probed and reported properly, the case would reveal a great deal about corruption, special privilege, abuse of power, wealth inequality, and all those other issues that Chinese people often notice and protest about. The mysterious recent disappearance from public view of Xi Jinping, who is expected to replace Hu Jintao in the top post in government at the Chinese Communist Party's Eighteenth National Congress this fall, also raises large questions to which a citizen would want answers. How might one divert attention from these questions toward the fate of some barren islands? Nationalism! Hate Japan!

 

A report in the Economist echoes Link's concern that the protests risk going off-script to focus on discontent closer to home, and quotes a recent study which found that, indeed, "nationalism serves as a powerful instrument in impeding public demand for democratic change."

For Foreign Policy, Shanghai writer Qi Ge writes about his experience growing up with anti-Japan propaganda and how the recent protests serve to distract young Chinese from the real problems of their lives:

So, Chinese young people today ought to thank the Japanese government, for if it hadn't purchased the , the Chinese government wouldn't have opened the net a little, allowing them to take to the streets last week. The demonstrators chanted monotonous and boring slogans, like telling the Japanese to get the hell out of the ; plainclothes cops intermingled with the marchers, keeping in nervous contact through their earpieces. Protesters even carried images of Mao, who died in 1976, though I wish he had died much earlier.

Many of the young marchers were terribly excited. For decades, TV shows about the Anti-Japanese War of 1931-1945 had distorted historical facts and turned the Japanese into a stupid, aggressive, cruel race of cockroaches that needed to be exterminated. Amusingly, the Chinese actors portraying those Japanese devils only spoke Chinese, bowing and scraping shamelessly, their every move no different from those of corrupt officials throughout China today.

Now, the Chinese government feels that it's not enough to smear the enemy through television alone, and the time has come to allow young people to demonstrate, a chance young people welcome because through their patriotic actions they can prove their worth in this world. Many of them are ordinarily very humble, drawing a low salary and struggling in expensive cities. They can't afford to buy homes, have a family, raise , or take care of their parents, and no one pays any attention to them. But now, these trampled marionettes have finally made the leap to the center of the political stage, so they willingly allow their strings to be pulled.

 

An Al Jazeera Stream episode focused on the social media reaction to the protests and asks whether the protests really reflect common concerns of the majority of Chinese people:

 


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The Recklessness of Nationalist Brinksmanship

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 10:38 AM PDT

So after a wave of rather violent anti-Japan protests I argued were state-supported, the madness has wound down — or rather, been wound down — by the same folks who drummed it up: the government. This is not an uncommon tactic at all, but it is an exceedingly dangerous one.

Let us take, for example, the attack on US Ambassador Gary Locke's car that occurred near the end of this wave of protests. Chinese security stepped in fairly quickly and there was little damage to the car and no injuries to anyone involved. That's fortunate, but just consider the ramifications if something had gone differently.

Say Chinese security reacted too slowly, being unprepared for a threat to the US Ambassador's life at a time when everyone was busy destroying Japanese things. Say some overzealous protester in the crowd brought a molotov cocktail, or that Locke had been dragged out of the car and beaten or killed. It is certainly possible; while the vast majority of protesters would certainly never go this far, there were reported beatings in several areas during the protests and the ethnically Chinese US Ambassador could feasibly become a target of some rage if the US is perceived as opposing China's claim to the islands. Anyway, let's say things go badly and Locke is dragged out of the car and beaten, perhaps killed.

The damage to China's international reputation would be immediate and severe. China's government will claim that the protests were not government-supported and point out that Chinese security forces were attempting to protect and rescue the Ambassador, but these claims will be downed out as the international media reports on the many inflammatory articles and reports that appeared in state-owned media prior to the protests, and compares China's approach to controlling anti-Japan protests to its approach to controlling pro-democracy ones. It will point out articles like this one by Evan Osnos of the New Yorker, which says that police loudspeakers were blaring messages of sympathy and support even as they urged rationality and calm. The foreign media will come to the basically same conclusion I did: at best, China's government could have done far more to control these protests; at worst, China's government was actively encouraging them and supporting them until they got out of hand. Opinions of China will plummet internationally, and the incident will reinforce the stereotype that Chinese people are brainless nationalist drones. (To a certain extent, this has happened anyway).

China will condemn the attack, and find and punish the rioters responsible, but this will not sake the anger of the United States Congress, which will (because it is mostly full of idiots) be screaming for blood. Some will consider it an act of war. Chinese flags will be burned in the streets, and Chinese-Americans will start saying their parents are Taiwanese, at least for a little while. It will get ugly, and even imagining the best case scenario, it will impede any kind of development in the Sino-US relationship for years to come. Meanwhile, Chinese nationalists will be protesting the backlash, creating an echo-chamber of nationalist yelling and mutual flag-burning.

Of course, it's possible that this will never happen. I'm not sure what the chances are. But the government is rolling the dice every time it encourages outpourings of nationalism like this with a media frenzy like the one we saw leading up to these protests. The media should be free to report whatever it deems newsworthy, and protesters should be free to protest whatever they want. But in China, where neither of those things are the case, the government must understand that it is going to be seen as ultimately responsible for what the press says and what protesters do. If it keeps allowing things to reach the brink of boiling point before pulling back, one of these times, it is going to be too late, and even though it wasn't the government committing the crimes, the government will ultimately be left holding the ball.

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China’s Most Colorful Philanthropist Is At It Again

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 04:26 PM PDT

The redoubtable Chen Guangbiao. Via Hexun

Recent tensions between China and Japan over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands have brought out the best and worst in Chinese society, and have also led to some unusual displays of patriotism. Recycling tycoon and eccentric philanthropist Chen Guangbiao, known as "Brother Biao" (标哥) by his fans, announced on September 18 that he would personally replace any car damaged in acts of "irrational patriotism." His notice, translated below, was retweeted over 115,000 times on Sina Weibo, China's Twitter:

Urgent Notice

Hello friends! In response to recent irrationally patriotic events, Brother Biao will arrange for the unconditional replacement of absolutely any car destroyed in China, as long as you are a follower of Brother Biao on one of the seven main microblogging platforms (People's Daily, Xinhua, Sina, Sohu, Tencent, Netease, or Hexun Caijing) and bring valid proof from your local public security organization.

Registration email: lixingaiguo918@163.com

Special notice

Guarantor: Chen Guangbiao

Date: 2012.9.18 – 2012.9.30

In an update posted an hour later, he responded to netizen questions about the notice, writing, "Some netizens have asked me if I regret making this offer. Brother Biao is a national model for morality, the top philanthropist in Asia, and the Chinese benchmark for honesty. I practice what I preach and have no regrets." [Chinese] He also specified that those who had begun to follow him after the original notice was posted would not be eligible for new cars. (But to those who tried that trick—can't say we blame you.)

 This offer encouraging "rational patriotism," as promoted by Chinese authorities in the wake of violent protests against Japan, comes on the heels of Chen's announcement that he followed through on his plan to sell canned air (see pictures–lots of them–below). Chen claims the air is not only more pure than that in cities, but reportedly also comes from "revolutionary" regions. Proceeds, Chen says, will go to Chinese military efforts to defend the Diaoyu Islands. The canned air sold out in just a few days, and Chen told his social media followers to hold on to the cans, promising to buy them back for 40 or 50 RMB (about US$7) in ten years.

Despite the controversy surrounding his patriotic stunts, however, it is a fact that Chen Guangbiao has donated the equivalent of millions of dollars to charity and pledged to give away his fortune when he dies. Brother Biao is certainly unusual–he is impulsive, flashy, and even refers to himself in the third person–but he puts his money where his mouth is.

The cans say "Chen Guangbiao: Good Guy"

Footnotes    (? returns to text)
  1. 有网友问标哥。。。现在后悔吗?标哥作为全国道德模范、亚洲首善、中国诚信楷模人物,说道做到,绝不后悔。?

Wen's Speech Cut Off

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 10:15 AM PDT

China's Premier Wen Jiabao was giving an opening remark at the EU-China summit in Brussels. After a long list of achievements reached in his ten years tenure as China's premier, Wen stressed his disappointment over two issues: lifting arms embargo and nonrecognition of fully-fledged market economy status. While Wen was still speaking, the live feed was cut abruptly before he could finish the sentence.

A diplomat who attended the meeting said the request came from China.

It's interesting to learn someone in the Chinese delegation could order speech of Wen, the Prime Minister and No. 3 in CCP, to be cut off. It's also interesting to speculate how did the organizer recognize and accommodate the request to mute the top Chinese official at the meeting.

As the lonely minority among his peers, Wen was always muted on sensitive talks in China. Wen also use his oversea trips to talk about his visions on political reform.

Professor Tian Xie of University of South Carolina Aiken commented that Wen probably wanted to use his last EU-China summit to advocate for importance and urgency of political reforms. The two issues would have been a good talk point for that.

Drawing the News

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 01:19 PM PDT

The China news cycle has been dominated by anti- following the Japanese government's purchase of three . This week, Drawing the News looks at tackling this and other timely issues, as well as some more timeless problems in China.


Artist: Murong Ao'ao

As his body is consumed by flames, a man in a sports jacket shouts, "Look, someone's house caught on fire!" Cartoonist Murong Gao'ao is making a dig at "a certain TV channel" which has played up the reaction to the incendiary YouTube film The Innocence of Muslims. Murong writes on his blog, "I watched a little TV on the subway last night. It was still focused with the utmost intensity on anti-American protests and riots in the Arab world. I really wanted to pat them on the shoulder and say, 'Yo, bro, we have that here, too.'"

Artist: Dashix

Dashix addresses the fever that has stricken many Chinese since Japan announced it would purchase the Diaoyu Islands. In "The Day in the Life of a Patriotic Loser," a man makes signs, attacks "foreign devils," smashes cars, steals Japanese goods, rubs one out (to Japanese porn, no less) and finally lands in jail. "Oppose violent and don't be brain-damaged," the friendly skeleton says at the end. "Love of country begins with loving your neighbor."

Artist: Peaceful House Pearl Shimao

The world is dancing to "Gangnam Style," Korean pop star Psy's whimsical music video. Psy taught Ellen Degeneres and Britney Spears his moves and has inspired reactions in Utah and remakes in Mongolia. Here, Shimao catches the Gangnam Style bug, dancing his way through New York, and Tokyo. But what is style? Our friend has been committed to a mental institution for "involvement in multiple activities," "running crazily all over the place" and being a pig.

Artist: B. Kuang

Is this a surgeon suturing a "wound" or a bandit shutting up his victim in the middle of the night? One netizen interprets this cartoon with his own caption:

You say foreign criticism is interference in our internal affairs; domestic criticism is malicious crowing; the criticism of public intellectuals is incitement to subversion*; the criticism of academics is poisoning people's minds; the criticism of the masses is just defining the state of the nation. In truth, you decided not to take any criticism at all.

* Incitement to subversion (shāndòng diānfù 煽动颠覆) is rendered euphemistically as "the woman of the cave summit" (shāndòng diān fù 山洞巅妇).

国外的批评,你说是干涉内政;国内的批评,你说是恶意公鸡;公知的批评,你说是山洞巅妇;学者的批评,你说是蛊惑人心;网络的批评,你说是造窑生事;大众的批评,你说是这叫国情;其实,你根本没打算接受批评

 

Posted on by @PlatoK (@柏拉图K), this anonymous cartoon shows old matches wilting before the newest stock. Above the stage, a lit match hangs where you would expect to see the hammer and sickle. It seems to allude to the 18th Party Congress, where the used-up will make way for the new leadership. But is the system destined to burn itself out in one bright flash?


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Message to the Candidates: Talk China Policy not China Smack

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 12:28 PM PDT

Illustration by Ib Ohlsson for Foreign Affairs

In one U.S. Presidential election after another, the media hype the specter of China as an issue of real policy import. It has been two decades, however, since China has been anything more than a blip on a Presidential debate television screen; and frankly, that has been a good thing. Campaigns rarely elevate thinking on substantive issues. This time around, however, China is becoming a genuine political football, tossed around without any clear aim but hard enough to cause some real damage.

Out on the campaign trail, China rhetoric lives mostly in the realm of political insult. Governor Romney's campaign argues "President Obama promised to take China 'to the mat' but instead he has allowed China to treat the United States like a doormat." Should he become president, Governor Romney has stated that "I will finally take China to the carpet and say, 'Look you guys, I'm gonna label you a currency manipulator and apply tariffs unless you stop those practices."  For his part, President Obama has railed against Governor Romney's private equity experience with China: "I understand my opponent has been running around Ohio claiming he's going to roll up his sleeves, and take the fight to China…. Ohio, you can't stand up to China when all you've done is send them our jobs." In reference to China's trade subsidies, President Obama has asserted that "It's not right, it's against the rules and we will not let it stand."

Such throwaway campaign lines are part and parcel of U.S. presidential politicking, but China deserves to be treated seriously in the Presidential race for all the reasons everyone already knows, including: it manipulates its currency; its companies routinely violate intellectual property rights and engage in cyber-espionage; its regional security rhetoric and military activity have become much more assertive in the past few years; and its political practices—both at home and abroad—challenge U.S. notions of good governance and often undermine U.S. efforts to address crises in global hot spots. While China's policies may not be that different or even as detrimental as those of many other countries, the size of its population, economy, and military greatly amplify its impact.

Thoughtful discourse should not be difficult. President Obama has a record on China that he can defend and Governor Romney can challenge. There are also emerging issues that have yet to be tackled and desperately need to be addressed.  Here are my suggestions for four China-related issues the candidates might debate:

1)     Is the U.S. pivot toward Asia the right strategy? This is one of President Obama's hallmark initiatives, and Governor Romney asserts it has been oversold and under-resourced.

2)     Assuming China is not going to wake up tomorrow and decide it is important to play by all the rules of international finance and trade, what should the United States do? President Obama has focused much of his energy on the WTO and multilateral engagement and enforcement mechanisms; in contrast, Governor Romney has advanced a set of unilateral and punitive actions.

3)     How will the United States manage the wave of Chinese investment activity that may soon be washing up on its shores? What is the potential upside, as well as downside risk? I haven't heard anything from either candidate on this front.

4)     Are we making China into an enemy we don't need and they don't want to be, and if so, how do we avoid this trap?

If the candidates themselves can't get China right, the Chinese media are apparently ready to step in to help. The Global Times, for one, has offered up its services: "As US elections often involve China-bashing, China cannot remain out of the affair. China should play a role in the elections and correct the attitude of both candidates and the American public toward China." My guess is that on this particular China policy, both candidates would have the same reaction: Thanks, but no thanks.

The Slap Heard ‘Round the World, And the Netizen Innovation That Followed

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 11:22 AM PDT

Coded language on Sina Weibo, China's Twitter, is ascending new heights. After a hasty conclusion to the trial of Wang Lijun, the erstwhile police chief of the megacity of Chongqing, China's official news service Xinhua released its version of the events leading to Wang's–and his boss Bo Xilai's–stunning downfall. The money line involves Bo Xilai slapping his subordinate in the face after Wang confronted Bo about his wife Gu Kailai's possible criminal activity.

Netizens responded with an outpouring of creative, coded language. Photoshopped images of Wang Lijun with a slap mark across his face began making the rounds on Weibo. Meanwhile, the term "slap" (耳光) rose as high as second place on the list of Weibo trending terms.

But TLN's favorite response had to be @米蛋饭's below tweet, a breathtaking exercise at summarizing Xinhua's account in vivid pictographs:

We invite readers to venture their own translations and add them in the comments. Here's the tweet:

Here's TLN's shot at it:

The policeman spied on Gu Kailai telling him about poisoning Neil Heywood to death, then Bo Guagua drove his Ferrari to see him and Wang Lijun wrote a report pointing to the Bo family's corruption. Bo Xilai got mad and slapped him and OH SNAP their bromance was over, then Wang became a traitor and ran to the U.S. consulate. He was taken by security forces away in a plane, locked up, and tried.

Then there's this:

Wang's sentencing is set for Monday, according to the BBC. Online censorship a sad fact of life in China, but at least it means that linguistic creativity abounds. We can't wait to see what China's netizens think of next.

Chinese Children Killed in Axe Attack

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 10:07 AM PDT

Three were killed and 13 injured when a man entered their childcare center in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region and began slashing students with an axe. The BBC reports:

The man rushed into the centre in the autonomous region of in the middle of the day and began slashing the children, Xinhua said.

The age of the victims has not yet been reported.

A man identified only as Wu was later arrested by police in Pingnan county in connection with the attack.

A police investigation is now under way.

A similar incident occurred in a kindergarten in Wuhan in 2010.


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Chinese Web Giant Tencent Throws Its Weight Behind “Philanthropy 2.0″

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 06:58 AM PDT

Who says there's no such thing as a free lunch?

If one were to characterize China's online netizens, it would be tempting to describe them as a rowdy group of hard-hitting and disillusioned social critics. But, despite their online spewing of profanity and frustration, reason does occasionally prevail, in particular when social media's immense potential is leveraged to do good works. At Tea Leaf Nation, we have covered this topic before (see here and here), but now we ask, how is social media in China being used to carve out a new role for netizens, transforming them from mere watchdogs or critics into real citizens for change?

Notable social campaigns that have found their footing through the power of social media tweeting platforms like Weibo include the Free Lunch (免费午餐) and the Love Save Pneumoconiosis (大爱清尘) initiatives. Both were championed by investigative journalists who uncovered atrocious cases of social injustice in the course of their work. The "Free Lunch for Children" was designed to provide free lunches for rural children at school after Deng Fei, a famous journalist from the Phoenix Weekly (凤凰周刊) discovered many schools had no canteens for students. He began raising money from his 1.4 million followers on Weibo and TMall, the largest B2B online shopping site in China, soliciting small donations of only 3 RMB, or about US$ 0.40.

Love Save Pneumoconiosis was founded by fellow journalist Wang Keqin (@王克勤) from The China Economic Times (经济时报), in an effort to publicize the horrors of black lung disease, which affects nearly 6 million Chinese people who have contracted the disease by inhaling dust from coal and building materials. It is the most common terminal illness contracted in the Chinese workplace. Wang has used Weibo as his primary fundraising channel, raising 80 million RMB (about US$12.1 million) online. The Love Save Pneumoconiosis Sina Weibo account now has over 12,000 "fans," or followers.

However, these online fundraising campaigns straddle a murky legal line. In the world of Chinese nonprofits, government-supported organizations enjoy limited regulation and oversight while private organizations lumber through a mountain of legislation and arbitrary crackdowns. Public foundations are allowed to raise funds from the public while private foundations are not. This prohibition extends to online solicitations. Many organizations or individuals raise money anyway, but are hampered in their ability to disperse the money without the government's consent to set up a bank account.

Wang Keqin was horrified by the effects of black lung disease and determined to do something about it. Via Weibo

Enter Philanthropy 2.0, Tencent's attempt at an Internet revolution to change philanthropy in China. Tencent Foundation's Executive Secretary, Dou Ruigang, puts it more elegantly: "Using the power of Web 2.0 and social networking platforms, we can develop products that connect netizens and arouse their interest to participate in philanthropy. We hope to make philanthropy a new and trendy lifestyle choice that appeals to the youth." By launching Tencent Gongyi (腾讯公益), Tencent, a massive Chinese company that includes "social networks, web portals, e-commerce, and multiplayer online games" in its portfolio, aims to mobilize its impressive user base and create the most efficient and influential, go-to site for charity in China.

Tencent's online donation platform Tencent Gongyi has been systematically integrated with many of their social features, including the ubiquitous QQ instant messaging application, which boasts 590 million users. Users donating to the causes featured on Tencent Gongyi earn "compassion points" that are visible to their QQ friends, earn a special crop for their QQ Farm, and get shiny silver and gold badges for their avatars in the QQ Show online game. Even Tencent's version of Paypal, Caifu Tong (财付通), is used as an online donation payment method. By highlighting the donation on their individual profiles, users broadcast their philanthropic interest to their peers and to a greater degree define their online identities.

To date, Tencent Gongyi features 760 organizations and foundations, 441 online projects, and 1,347 offline projects from which to choose. If that sounds dizzying, there are useful filters such as location and area of interest to organize the information.

They've also provided a safe haven for important movements like Love Save Pneumoconiosis, both online and offline. Tencent not only provided an online platform for Love Save Pneumoconiosis, one of the few external platforms to promote the cause, but also connected founder Wang Keqing with a public foundation, allowing the charity to register as a public fund and thus to ask for donations from the public.

It remains to be seen how effective Tencent's vision for Philanthropy 2.0 will truly be, and there is surely a long way to go. Tencent Gongyi has so far only raised donations from 2 million-plus users, a paltry proportion of its 590 million user base. However, its work to support Love Save Pneumoconiosis points to a hopeful future for other grassroots organizations wishing to enable netizens to mobilize for social good in China.

Smiling official sacked for serious wrongdoing

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 11:41 PM PDT

Smiling official sacked for serious wrongdoing

Yang Dacai, who aroused wide public indignation after he was caught smiling at the site of a deadly rear-end accident in Shaanxi that killed 36 people, has been dismissed from his posts as the director of Shaanxi Work Safety Bureau and member of Commission over a serious violation of discipline, according to Chinese authorities.

The infamous smiling official was targeted by netizens and exposed to have worn eleven luxury wristwatches in various activities and conferences, after the picture of his "inappropriate" smile was spread on the Internet.

Though Yang had responded that he used his legal income to buy the watches, Chinese netizens argued that a public servant could not possibly afford so many luxury watches and demanded disclosure of Yang's annual income.

An investigation into the case then found him guilty of "serious wrongdoing".

And a further investigation against Yang is now still under way, said Chinese authorities.

Censorship Vault: Guiding Protests Then and Now

Posted: 21 Sep 2012 07:00 AM PDT

Editor's Note: From the features previously untranslated censorship instructions from the archives of the CDT series (真理部指令). These instructions, issued to the media and/or Internet companies by various central (and sometimes local) government authorities, have been leaked and distributed online. CDT has collected the selections we translate here from a variety of sources and has checked them against official Chinese media reports to confirm their implementation.

A pro-Tibet protester tries to take the Olympic torch, 2008. (Yang Zhen Dong)

This week's featured directive, issued in April 2008 by the Province information portal, shows the power of "guidance" (引导) over in China. At that time, the Olympic torch relay was plagued at every stop by human rights groups and Tibet independence supporters. After a wheelchair-bound torchbearer was attacked in Paris, netizens called for a boycott of the French hypermarket Carrefour. "The biggest shareholder of donated huge money to the Dalai Lama," fumed the netizen demanding the , "and even the French president has announced of the ."

The directive below instructs provincial websites on how to direct online discussion of the boycott. Read the original Chinese here:

On-duty staff at the Internet office: Each website in every locality must adopt measures concerning netizens boycotting Carrefour and related management prompts to properly tamp down online discussion and prevent a loss of control from influencing domestic . Prepare your reports, guidance and management according to the following requirements:

(1) Give protection to the patriotic fervor of netizens who support the Olympics, who oppose "Tibet independence" and who denounce Western media's distorted reporting and insults to China. Direct the discussion at the Dalai clique's secessionist forces, as well as the vile material produced by CNN and a small number of other Western media.

(2) Comprehensively and nimbly guide netizen discussion of boycotting Carrefour and French products in a logical direction. Direct netizens' patriotic fervor such that you fulfill your duties and the Olympics are successfully launched. Each website in every locality must organize commentaries to carry out guidance, but they should be limited in number and not stray in focus. After a related article is posted, please send the link to the domestic affairs work inbox of the Internet Research Center.

(3) Websites will not report specific "boycott activities" in any locality, will not exaggerate "escalating boycott activities" and the like and will not report "opposition to the 'boycott'" or similar extreme speech or activities. Do not republish this type of reporting from traditional media; a lock-down on online publication of this type of material goes into effect from now until May 15.

(4) Comments and posts calling for seizing this opportunity to incite demonstrations, marches, assemblies, "group walks," "group shopping" and other group activity must be deleted without exception. Comments and posts which ceaselessly negate and criticize the patriotic fervor of netizens, echo or support foreign anti-Chinese forces, or which cause trouble, add oil to the fire, create conflict among netizens and oppose [the voices we are supporting] must be deleted without exception. All those in charge of information portals and the 13 city portal websites which have already been notified will execute these instructions. They will also conduct thorough searches of all Heilongjiang information portals and delete related information; they will together delete one post calling for boycotts and five related comments. (April 18, 2008)

Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The original publication date is noted after the directives; the date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source.


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Lin Chiling’s lingerie commercial banned in mainland

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 05:40 PM PDT

Lin Chiling's lingerie commercial banned in mainland

Lin Chiling's latest lingerie commercial has been banned by mainland authorities, for being too sexy!

The ad put up at some subway stations in Beijing was said to have been removed too, because residents feared it may "raise the crime rates."

However on the web, the sexy video has sparked much interests in sex appeal of the Taiwan-based supermodel, who remains smokin' hot even she has reached age 38 now.

She is seen tearing apart her shirt to show off brassieres and cleavage, and taking off pants to reveal lacy briefs.

Check it out:

Still there is a group of people labeling the commercial as poor taste. But a radio presenter's comment "woman wearing revealing clothes can be perceived as harassment to others" has aroused
debate online.

h/o to May Daily

Frustration Over Huawei-ZTE Congressional Hearing

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 11:01 PM PDT

On September 13, representatives of both Huawei and ZTE, two of China's largest telecom companies, were invited to Capitol Hill to testify at a hearing held by the U.S. House of Representatives Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. The committee, as well as other parts of the U.S. government, have been investigating these companies due to their perceived ties to the Chinese government in general, and (in the case of Huawei) in particular the People's Liberation Army.

When I first heard about this hearing, several months ago I believe, I thought it was a big win for these companies. There was so much rumor and speculation about these firms that the hearing would give them the chance to present their side and "clear the air." Perhaps that would lead to a better environment for these companies to then ramp up their U.S. foreign investment plans.

Then again, maybe not.

Reporting on the hearing, tech site CNET went with this headine: "Lawmakers frustrated by Huawei, ZTE during hearings." What was the problem? Apparently several of the members of the committee expected these folks to be more forthcoming during Q&A:

"I can say that I am a little disappointed today," committee chairman Mike Rogers (R-Mich.) said at the end of the hearing investigating Huawei and ZTE. I was hoping for a little more transparency… Other inconsistencies worry me greatly."

Granted, there are some legitimate issues here. ZTE has been accused of violating sanctions against Iran, Huawei has been less than forthcoming about its corporate structure, and neither company has explained in detail their relationship with government regulators.

As potential investors in the U.S. or suppliers of sensitive technology, it is quite reasonable for the U.S. government to take a close looks at these guys. We're not talking here about a chair or a pair of shoes, but telecommunications infrastructure.

So I'm willing to meet the U.S. government at least halfway here when it comes to investigating these companies. Moreover, I can understand the frustration of the committee members when they ask questions and receive unclear or evasive answers.

After looking at the press coverage and some of the materials from the hearing, I have to admit that I'm somewhat frustrated too. However, for me the frustration stems from the difficult position Huawei and ZTE have been forced into and the useless nature of a hearing where the committee members have already made up their minds on the subject at hand.

Before we get to some of the details, I also want to point out that it's not like these guys from ZTE and Huawei showed up out of the blue and that this testimony was the first time that these House members were exposed to these companies. No, in fact, the committee has been investigating them for some time, and there has been plenty of Q&A (written and oral), submitted materials, and even site visits (in China) made by members of the committee.

I have to wonder whether the questions raised at the hearing had already been asked and answered a long time ago. And if not, why not? Perhaps the hearing was all a big media show? {gasp!}

OK, let's look at some of these "frustrating" exchanges. Here's Rep. Sue Myrick, which some of you may recognize as the co-author of that disgusting letter about ZTE's legal representation (I wrote a lengthy rant on that topic last week):

Rep. Sue Myrick (R-N.C.) pressed [ZTE VP] Zhu about allegations that the company destroyed documents and hid evidence regarding sales of equipment to Iran.

"We are actively cooperating with the U.S. government investigation to get to the bottom on this," Zhu said through an interpreter.

"You are not answering my question," Myrick shot back.

"We would never do something like that," Zhu said.

Come on. This is an ongoing investigation, for which, by the way, Myrick doesn't think that ZTE should be entitled to legal counsel. And she's asking if they shredded documents? Are you shitting me? I wonder if she's ever asked that question before at a hearing? She was obviously just throwing crap out there in an attempt to make these guys look bad. Very common at a House hearing unfortunately.

Here's a question that actually includes reference to Chinese law:

Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) questioned Ding about Article 11 of the Chinese constitution, which the lawmaker said would require Huawei to grant access to its networks to the Chinese government for "state security" purposes. Ding said he was unaware of the law.

I'm not surprised that Ding, who works for Huawei, isn't familiar with that law. Unless I missed an amendment somewhere, I believe Article 11 of the Constitution says this:

Article 11 The non-public sectors of the economy such as the individual and private sectors of the economy, operating within the limits prescribed by law, constitute an important component of the socialist market economy.

The State protects the lawful rights and interests of the non-public sectors of the economy such as the individual and private sectors of the economy. The State encourages, supports and guides the development of the non-public sectors of the economy and, in accordance with law, exercises supervision and control over the non-public sectors of the economy.

Are you confused? Me too. Maybe he's trying to hang everything on that "supervision and control" language?

I don't know where Schiff was going with that Constitution reference, but I understand his general point. What would Huawei or ZTE do if the State came knocking on their door and demanded that they cooperate in some way that would compromise privacy or integrity, etc.?

Everyone knows the answer: they would cooperate! Ding replied that Huawei would refuse, which was obviously disingenuous, but what was he supposed to say? There was no good answer there, and Schiff certainly knew that when he asked it.

And the underlying issue is an important one. If you believe, as it seems many House members do, that the Chinese government will use these companies to spy on the U.S., then it is troubling that they essentially cannot refuse a direct order from the public security folks.

Fair enough, but then why bother asking the question? Everyone already knew the answer, and again, if you believe all that about Beijing and spying, then isn't your mind already made up on these companies anyway? Why bother with the hearing at all?

The opening statement by Chairman Mike Rogers sheds more light on this. His prepared statement set out a very scary scenario, filled with the following kinds of accusations:

We have heard reports about backdoors or unexplained beaconing from the equipment sold by both companies. And our sources overseas tell us that there is a reason to question whether the companies are tied to the Chinese government or whether their equipment is as it appears.

We have heard reports about their attempts to steal the trade secrets of other companies, which gives them a competitive advantage and makes us question their ability to abide by any rules.

Rogers' statement ties all this in to accusations that have been made against China with respect to hacking and a variety of other cybersecurity and commercial espionage activities.

The bottom line for Rogers is this:

1. China is a big time spy.

2. People say that Huawei and ZTE work closely with the government.

3. Chinese law forces Huawei and ZTE to work closely with the government.

4. Telecom is a sensitive sector.

The argument makes sense, but the bottom line is frustrating not only for ZTE and Huawei, but for any Chinese telecom firm hoping to do business in the U.S.

Why? Although Rogers and his fellow House members complained that these companies did not turn over sufficient documentation, the question remains what could have satisfied their concerns. To a certain extent, these companies are being asked to prove a negative. Prove that you are not somehow controlled by the government, or the army. Prove that you would not accede to the government's wishes when it comes to espionage. While there was obviously some documentation that the committee asked for that Huawei and ZTE, for whatever reason, simply refused to turn over, I'm not sure that doing so would have allayed fears anyway.

If you read Rogers' statement, it doesn't just say that the House is investigating these companies because of the rumors surrounding them. His distrust also stems from the perception of China's record on cybersecurity issues and the inability of Chinese companies to refuse to cooperate with the State.

As a practical matter, there is some merit to these arguments. However, what this means is that all Chinese telecom companies will suffer similarly, and none of them will be able to rise above suspicion sufficient to pass muster with the U.S. government. If I'm a Chinese telecom company with designs on the U.S. market, this is extremely disturbing.

In addition to Rogers' statement, we also see this broad brush approach in the words of the ranking member, Rep. Ruppersberger, whose prepared remarks included this little nugget, which was apparently written by a third grader:

The fact that both companies, Huawei and ZTE, were created and headquartered in China, a country known to aggressively conducts cyber espionage, raises issues. And add to that… the fear that China, a communist country, could compel these companies to provide it information or worse yet spy on Americans using this equipment.

Poor grammar aside, his point is clear: these companies are Chinese, and the commies can force them to do their bidding. End of story.

At the end of the day, I share the concern of U.S. lawmakers and believe an investigation makes sense. Moreover, if Huawei and/or ZTE refused reasonable document requests, this is a problem. On the other hand, it also seems clear that these House members are looking at all this in very simple, stark terms (i.e., China – Communist –  authoritarian) that lead me to the conclusion that the hearing was a huge waste of time and not at all the opportunity that I originally assumed it could be.

The big news here is that compared to the U.S. Congress, I come off as hopelessly optimistic and naive. Imagine that.


© Stan for China Hearsay, 2012. | Permalink | One comment | Add to del.icio.us
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Wukan June 2012, by Remko Tanis

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 11:56 PM PDT

Wukan Villagers Protest Over Lack of Progress

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 11:53 PM PDT

A year after land grab protests began in the fishing village of , and just six months after electing a new village committee in what many hailed as a new approach to dealing with social unrest in China, about 100 villagers gathered outside the village's Communist Party offices to voice their frustration at the lack of progress that their new leaders have made in securing the return of their land. From Reuters' James Pomfret:

"We still haven't got our land back," shouted Liu Hancai, a retired 62-year-old party member, one of many villagers fighting to win back land that was seized by Wukan's previous administration and illegally sold off for development.

The small crowd, many on motorbikes, was kept under tight surveillance by plain-clothed officials fearful of any broader unrest breaking out. Police cars were patrolling the streets.

"There would be more people here, but many people are afraid of trouble and won't come out," Liu told Reuters.

Friday's demonstration was far less heated than the that earned Wukan headlines around the world last September. But the small rally reveals how early optimism over the ground-breaking adoption of local-level has soured for some.

The reports that while some villagers have argued for more patience, others prefer action:

Cai Yifeng, a local restaurant owner, says the problem is that the Lufeng city government, which oversees Wukan, has not changed its ways. He says several of its officials are allied with Xue Chang, the former Wukan party chief. Xue was fined and disciplined this year for his role in the illegal land sales but not arrested, which village leaders say has emboldened his supporters.

"The Lufeng government tells lies to the committee," Cai said. "The dissatisfaction among the villagers will only continue to rise."

Meanwhile, the South China Morning Post reports that Guangdong party chief , who earned praise for his progressive handling of the Wukan incident, has made a fresh call for reform as he continues to maneuver for a seat on the next . But while The New York Times' Didi Kirsten Tatlow writes that Wang has positioned himself well as a reformer, The South China Morning Post's Mimi Lau asks whether the party is ready for him:

Analysts believe promotion to chief of the central disciplinary inspection commission or party boss of Beijing would be logical next steps for Wang. But whether he can make it to the Standing Committee this time is uncertain.

The reported decision to cut the all-powerful panel to seven from nine seats means competition for spots will be all the more fierce.

At the moment, some observers believe Tianjin party secretary Zhang Gaoli, a Jiang Zemin ally, has the edge over Wang.

Also working against Wang is his relatively young age. At 57, If he was appointed to the Standing Committee this year, he could theoretically stay on until 2027 – an usually long period at the height of power.

"If [the Standing Committee] stays at nine, I would bet on him making it," said Steve Tsang, of the China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham. Otherwise, Wang's chances of ascension were 50-50, Tsang said.


© Scott Greene for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | One comment | Add to del.icio.us
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Observations of a Protest

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 11:37 PM PDT

The following dispatch was sent to CDT by an American who was visiting during the recent :

Shanghai, September 18, 2012 – by Jane Wang
On 9-18 (九一八), the anniversary of the Mukden Incident, I had arranged to meet with a friend for morning coffee at a café on Donghu Road. We learned that morning that there were going to be three Anti-Japanese marches, and that they were going to follow the same parade routes as the 2005 Anti-Japanese marches. One of those routes went up Donghu Road. This street, in the old French Concession, is lined with Japanese restaurants. A couple of them had Chinese flags taped to their windows, but the rest didn't seem to have bothered. The largest restaurant, a teppan yaki place with yards and yards of plate glass windows fronting the street, had no flags or signs at all.

The marches were supposed to begin at 10 am. As the hour approached, we saw a handful of protesters hurrying towards Huaihai Road, where the march was supposed to originate. All were young and some carried banners with anti-Japanese slogans. My friend also spotted a reporter for a major American daily heading the same direction.

Time passed, but no marchers appeared. By 11 am, we were finished with our coffee and were ready to leave.

That night, Phoenix Television aired coverage of some of the demonstrations around China, and I watched with a Chinese friend. A protester in Shanghai was interviewed. "He's not from around here," my friend said. "He has an accent." Next, protesters in Shenyang were interviewed. The first one had a southern accent. "Nanfang ren," ("Southerner") we said in unison.

My friend was cynical about the —a sideshow designed to distract people from more important things, like the trial of , which concluded on 9-18, or the power struggles in Beijing, or the other issues that are on people's minds, like and the environment.

Nobody I've spoken to takes the protests seriously. Granted, most of the people I speak to are well-educated and have some international experience. Reactions range from dismissive ("just a bunch of silly kids") to contemptuous ("they're paid and they're bused in from elsewhere").

A couple of my friends witnessed marches: on Yan'an Road and at People's Square. The latter was clearly organized, and there was a heavy police presence, with plainclothes policemen easily recognizable.

Although I heard reports that major Japanese companies have been closed, everywhere I've gone over the past few days, I've seen Japanese restaurants doing a good business. They're not packed, but few places in the neighborhoods I frequent are. Customers are Chinese and foreign. Sanrio stores and other stores around the center of town are not being boycotted, either. One chain of Japanese restaurants has a large branch on the pedestrian portion of East Nanjing Road. It was business as usual. The lights were blazing on Wednesday night, and crowds moved past the open doors as they would on any night.

The government-backed protests seem like such a cynical use of history. I think back to the movement, which also had a heavily anti-Japanese component, and its depiction in popular culture—a film like "Shop of the Lin Family" comes to mind. This is like a replay of , only it's repeating itself as farce. Today, young people are taking to the streets as if they're out on a Sunday stroll, except that they're holding banners that are filled with profane and violent threats. It's political theater, but the people involved carry on as if national survival were once again at stake. The /Senkakus aren't really the issue. But the Japanese government's official lack of contrition about (and sometimes outright denial of) the events of the Second World War is. And this is an old wound that the Chinese government is happy to reopen whenever there are political or social problems that threaten to undermine social "harmony".

Despite the fact that a significant number of people don't seem to be buying into the fervor, I would not want to be a Japanese person in China right now. But I wouldn't want to be a member of the Chinese government either. As one friend observed, what the government is doing is very dangerous: the protesters are angry, and angry people are unpredictable. If the government loses control of the protesters, chaos could ensure; and it's entirely possible that the protesters could turn their rage towards the government itself.


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The Economist’s Anti-China Stance on Diaoyu Islands

Posted: 20 Sep 2012 11:07 PM PDT

The following tweet by Gady Epstein, a correspondent for the Economist based in Beijing, is not surprising. The way I read it, he seemed dissatisfied that China and Japan haven't yet escalated their tension into war.

Yes, this is that same trash magazine that had a sort of mea culpa not too long ago for their role in justifying British imperialism against the Chinese. Remember the Opium Wars? Yes, they 'regretted' fueling that war! Earlier in the year they announced a dedicated section to China coverage, and in response I suggested they have an editorial overhaul, because that very announcement were filled with bigotry they said they wanted to avoid. Apparently, that overhaul didn't happen, and their century-old tradition of fact-twisting continues. Here we are today, on the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute, I just want to share a few bits of the anti-China propaganda this thing, The Economist, is.

First of all, check out the image below. This was the fishing trawler from Hong Kong recently being harassed and trapped by the Japanese coast guard ships. This is obviously no fishing ship ramming into Japanese coast guard ships.

About two years ago, another trawler was caught by the Japanese coast guard. The Japanese government actually raided Google's office in Japan to take down a video that was leaked unto Youtube of the incident, recorded by it's own coast guard. From that video, it looks more like the fishing trawler collided with the Japanese coast guard ship because the coast guard ship maneuvered into position to block.

Below is The Economist's narrative on that event:

Two years ago, when Japan arrested the skipper of a Chinese fishing boat for ramming a vessel just off the islands, it detected retaliation when China blocked the sale of rare earths essential to Japanese industry.

Ridiculous. Whenever Chinese fishing vessels go near to fish, they are the ones to be harassed by the Japanese! What the Economist has done here is to flip truth upside-down, turning Japanese coast guard aggression into Chinese fishing ship aggression. Especially considering that the Diaoyu Islands belong to China; look at official Japanese and Chinese government records. (See Han-Yi Shaw's exhaustive analysis of both government's records here.)

The Economist writes:

Which all sounds very rational, until you consider history—especially the parallel between China's rise and that of imperial Germany over a century ago. . . In that context, disputes about clumps of rock could become as significant as the assassination of an archduke.

China is merely asserting what is rightfully hers. If any parallel to be drawn to pre-WW2 Germany, it is Japan. This is a country defeated (as Germany was in WW1), and now leveraging America's 'pivot' to be more aggressive in laying claims to land not hers. Japan has just taken the step to 'nationalize' the disputed islands. That is extreme provocation.

It continues:

The Senkakus row has boiled over now because the Japanese government is buying some of the islands from a private Japanese owner. The aim was to keep them out of the mischievous hands of Tokyo's China-bashing governor, who wanted to buy them himself. China, though, was affronted. It strengthened its own claim and repeatedly sent patrol boats to encroach on Japanese waters. That bolstered the leadership's image, just before Xi Jinping takes over.

This logic is rather silly. So, the Japanese government buying the islands is not for its own "mischievous hands?" Since Gady Epstein is based in Beijing, I wonder why he doesn't talk to the Chinese to get this logic straight.

If that stupid logic is to be in the article, then for balance's sake, at least offer a Chinese perspective to refute, no?

Why shouldn't China be affronted by this agitation to further 'legitimize' Japanese claim to the islands within the Japanese public?

The Economist is correct to say that this bolsters the right-wing vote within Japan. However, in Xi Jinping's case, it does not matter. China will react the same way no matter which candidate is contending to be the next President.

For all the talks about the desire for a more 'free' Chinese society and for more 'human rights,' the Economist certainly knows how to propagandize against Chinese interests when they matter.

Below is another twist of facts:

Having helped create nationalism and exploited it when it suited them, China's leaders now face vitriolic criticism if they do not fight their country's corner.

Ordinary Chinese anger comes from Japan being increasingly aggressive in the Diaoyu Islands over the last couple of years. What evidence does The Economist have for the Chinese government "creating nationalism?" The article presented no evidence whatsoever.

The anti-China view towards that public anger is 'nationalism,' because such an emotive word suggests irrationality and unjust. Chinese anger is perfectly justified. If anything, the Chinese media are doing their share to warn people against violating laws and to remain calm.

Imagine if Japan blocks American access to Guam and harasses American fishermen there. Americans protest against Japan. Now try to argue American government creating nationalism.

At least there is more hope within the magazine's readership. A reader, typingmonkey, responds:

typingmonkey Sep 20th, 20:00
yada yada yada

Remind us which country has open disputes over islets with Russia, Korea, Taiwan and China?
And which country has elected shrill nationalists as mayors of its two primary cities, with national ambitions?
And which country has suddenly chosen to nationalize title to a set of islands?
Could it be…Japan?

Yet upon which country does the Economist always place both blame and pressure?

Seems to me the entity most at risk of losing credibility here is the Economist.

Ever wonder why a growing number of Chinese netizens think pieces like this Economist article in the Anglophone media are propaganda?

The Economist would conclude with the following advice:

Asia needs to escape from a descent into corrosive mistrust. What better way for China to show that it is sincere about its peaceful rise than to take the lead?

Very cute. What the world needs is for the likes of The Economist to be more honest in their reporting about our world. We do not need it to fan the flames of mistrust through distortions of facts. The people sorely lacking sincerity are in fact the likes of The Economist!

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