Blogs » Politics » Leaked Speech Shows Xi Jinping’s Opposition to Reform
Blogs » Politics » Leaked Speech Shows Xi Jinping’s Opposition to Reform |
- Leaked Speech Shows Xi Jinping’s Opposition to Reform
- Photo: Eating out in Guiyang, by barockschloss
- What China’s Newly-Released Inequality Data Really Means
- Ministry of Truth: Guangdong People’s Congress
- Bo’s Influence “Banished” as Trial Rumors Swirl
- I Can See Your Mom from Space
- Video: China's Social Media Landscape
- Xi’s Visit Lifts a Village, But Lays Bare Rural Woes
- China’s Transport Aircraft Takes First Flight
- North Korea Calls Plastic Surgery Rumors “Sordid”
- Xian Y-20′s Maiden Flight
- DODGY ZHANG ZIYI AVOIDS LEE-HOM’S HUGS
Leaked Speech Shows Xi Jinping’s Opposition to Reform Posted: 27 Jan 2013 10:42 PM PST While a recent crackdown on wrongdoing by officials has encouraged those who want to see an end to official corruption in China, hopes are diminishing over the prospects for more substantive political reform under incoming president Xi Jinping. A speech Xi gave in Shenzhen in December has recently been released and appears to indicate that Xi will not encourage any systematic reforms that will threaten the leadership of the Party. Seeing Red in China has translated an essay by veteran journalist Gao Yu, who spent time in prison after the 1989 protest movement, in which she analyzes Xi's speech:
See also: "Xi Jinping's opposition to political reforms laid out in leaked internal speech" by John Kennedy on the South China Morning Post blog. © Sophie Beach for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Photo: Eating out in Guiyang, by barockschloss Posted: 27 Jan 2013 09:54 PM PST Eating out in Guiyang © Sophie Beach for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
What China’s Newly-Released Inequality Data Really Means Posted: 27 Jan 2013 07:13 PM PST Inequality between rich, often urban, and poor, often rural Chinese is at dangerous levels. (Kevin Bluer/Flickr) When the National Statistics Bureau announced China's 2012 GINI coefficient – a measure of income inequality – on January 21, the figure caught everyone by surprise, like a genie out of a bottle. The reaction was as much about the number itself as about its release: not only was the 2012 index the first official release since 2001, it was also the country's second lowest GINI coefficient in ten years. (On the same day, the government also released missing indices from 2002 to 2011. "A lack of unified survey standards in rural and urban areas," it claimed, accounted for the delay.) At a level of 0.474, the 2012 GINI coefficient was lower than the 2003 figure of 0.479, suggesting that China is, at least numerically, a slightly more equal society today than a decade ago. The GINI coefficient, according to the World Bank, is the most commonly used measure of inequality. Reported on a scale between 0, which reflects complete equality, to 1, which reflects complete inequality, the figure gauges the distribution of income among a country's residents. The CIA World Factbook, for example, calibrated China's 2009 GINI coefficient at 48 (on a variant scale of 0 to 100), while researchers at the Southwestern University of Finance and Economics in Chengdu put the number at an alarming 0.61 in 2010. The official numbers, by contrast, took a middle ground: the indices were reported at 0.49 in 2009, and 0.481 in 2010. Gloating, to be sure, was hardly the government's intent for letting the GINI out; on the contrary, as social divisions continued to fray bonds between public and private sectors and between haves and have–nots, the coefficient's release was a belated acknowledgment of inequality that had been long–submerged in official discourse until now. "The statistics highlighted the urgency for our country to speed up the income distribution reforms to narrow the wealth gap," said Ma Jiantang, the bureau director, as quoted in a report by Xinhua news agency. A chorus of doubt Despite the government's best intentions, however, few social media users were willing to put much stock in the numbers, because many believe inequality has worsened over the past decade based on personal experience and observations. The timing of the release, combined with its doubtful conclusion that showed a lessening of inequality, triggered a wave of skepticism and scorn in China's micro–blogosphere. Many put their disbelief in the harshest terms: "A journalist called me and asked me to comment on today's macroeconomic figures. Wouldn't I be sick in my head to comment on such false figures?" wrote Xu Xiaonian (@许小年), a professor of economics and finance at China Europe International Business School, on Sina Weibo, a Twitter-like platform in China. "That GINI coefficient, in the words of Zheng Yuanjie, a children's story writer in China, is a fairy-tale that no one would dare to write." In this contested arena of economics and politics, interpretation – more than calculation – shaped the restive discourse online. In an attempt to make sense of the statistics, many users pointed to what the GINI coefficient failed to measure. "In a society long mired in corruption, income and wealth are not the same matter; the salary of a corrupt official hardly correlates with his personal wealth. A GINI index calculated from our pay stubs has little practical significance. Instead, what ordinary people feel is the best measure," wrote @老徐时评. "In this light, the bureau's number [indicating an improvement of inequality] will in fact derail top–level reform by weakening the officials' resolve to close the gap between rich and poor." By questioning the number's authenticity, many users inadvertently came to view the index and its release as a barometer of government accountability. Demand for trusted and transparent statistics in China has grown increasingly vocal. Last January, Caixin, a liberal news magazine, ran an accusatory article, "Government Refuses to Release Gini Coefficient," which set the tone for a spate of reports on inequality in China this year, culminating in the official release of GINI coefficient data last week. Central to all these stories was an uncanny truth: the index's delayed response showcased the ruling Communist Party's unease about revealing how profoundly social inequality in China has divided the nouveaux elites from the country's poor majority. Voices in defense Amid caustic indictments online, however, some raised their voice in the government's defense. Just as skeptics of the coefficient tried to unpack its deficiencies, supporters of the release bolstered its credibility – and that of the government. "The Statistics Bureau reported that income inequality is improving and the GINI coefficient is falling; why do people insist that it is false?" wrote Hu Xijin (@胡锡进), editor–in–chief of the Global Times, a conservative newspaper, on his personal Weibo account. "For those who hire cleaning ladies at home, think about this: does your income increase faster than your cleaning lady's? The Foxconn incident has led to widespread pay raises for low-income workers, but how many high-paying companies had the means to do the same for their employees?" "It looks like some people are unhappy that China's GINI coefficient is falling," he concluded. "Isn't China allowed to turn a course for the better?" Yet as the ideological disputes recede, China's reality of inequality – and the challenge to narrowing the gap – remains unchanged: the current coefficient of 0.474 poses a high risk for social unrest. While the newly delivered figure might be uncomfortable at first sight, it nevertheless heralded a positive shift in governance that is almost sure to continue. Like a genie who can no longer return to the bottle, the index and its publication should help to compel China's government to maintain an increased level of transparency, and to take heed of the reckoning that may come if the numbers don't improve. |
Ministry of Truth: Guangdong People’s Congress Posted: 27 Jan 2013 05:53 PM PST The following censorship instructions, issued to the media by central government authorities, have been leaked and distributed online. Chinese journalists and bloggers often refer to these instructions as "Directives from the Ministry of Truth."
CDT has collected the selections we translate here from a variety of sources and has checked them against official Chinese media reports to confirm their implementation.
Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The original publication date on CDT Chinese is noted after the directives; the date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source. © Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Bo’s Influence “Banished” as Trial Rumors Swirl Posted: 27 Jan 2013 03:53 PM PST Amid conflicting reports about the date of Bo Xilai's trial, China's Global Times reported on Monday that the proceedings would not start that day in Guiyang, as previously rumored. According to "a source close to the country's top judicial body", the start date will be announced well in advance. Due to the complexity of the case, it claimed, the trial may last up to ten days, and is unlikely to begin until after the Two Sessions of the National People's Congress and Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in March. On Saturday, meanwhile, the mayor of Chongqing proclaimed the "banishment" of Bo's influence from his former power base. From Ben Blanchard at Reuters:
Part of the exorcism has involved the rehabilitation of netizens, lawyers, policemen and others wrongly prosecuted for crossing Bo and Wang, his former police chief. Radio Free Asia reported on Friday, for example, that journalist Gao Yingpiao had been released early from a three year prison term thought to be linked to a series of critical blog posts. On the other hand, The New York Times' Edward Wong reported that the gang behind last year's notorious Lei Zhengfu sex tape scandal had escaped prosecution under Bo's rule, and has only now been brought to light.
There are apparent limits to the new transparency surrounding the case, however. After receiving a sudden visit from security officers on Sunday, Zhu Ruifeng, the blogger who originally brought the Lei Zhengfu tape to light, believes that Chongqing authorities are aggressively moving to tie up loose ends. From William Wan at The Washington Post:
© Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Posted: 27 Jan 2013 03:31 PM PST Every year, China's rail system is seized by Chunyun (春运), the mad rush to get home in time for the Chinese New Year (also called Spring Festival). For millions of rural migrants on the country's factory floors and construction sites, this is the one chance to see family all year long. Chunyun begins about two weeks before Spring Festival and lasts for almost a month after; it is a wave of humanity whose participants exceed China's total population in number [zh]. The lines to buy train tickets can truly reach epic proportions. This year, Spring Festival falls on February 10. The race is about to begin. You cannot really see the Great Wall from space, by the way. By Mr. Stone (@二混子–Stone). Via CDT Chinese. © Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Video: China's Social Media Landscape Posted: 27 Jan 2013 12:12 PM PST TeaLeafNation editor David Wertime speaks at Harvard University about China's social media landscape and challenges and advantages with social media reporting. Written by Abby · comments (0) |
Xi’s Visit Lifts a Village, But Lays Bare Rural Woes Posted: 27 Jan 2013 02:49 PM PST China's countryside, where almost half of its population still lives, lags far behind the cities in its level of development. Average incomes are less than a third of their urban counterparts, and economic migration has eroded the social fabric of rural communities. Further urbanization, repeatedly championed in recent months by premier-to-be Li Keqiang, is one approach to addressing the urban-rural divide. To show that the countryside will not be forgotten, however, new Party general secretary Xi Jinping recently made a highly publicized visit to the poor Hebei village of Luotuowan, followed by a procession of media, researchers and well-wishers bearing gifts amounting to some US$50,000. Among the journalists were The New York Times' Andrew Jacobs and Jonah Kessel:
© Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
China’s Transport Aircraft Takes First Flight Posted: 27 Jan 2013 10:20 AM PST Chinese state media reports China's first transport aircraft, dubbed the Y-20, has taken its first successful test flight. The Y-20 is China's first domestically made jumbo air freighter, from Xinhua:
This comes amid concerns over China's focus on aerospace development. With the unveiling of a stealth fighter, according to Bloomberg, the new freight plane is extending China's military modernization program:
Read more about aviation in China, via CDT. © Melissa M. Chan for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
North Korea Calls Plastic Surgery Rumors “Sordid” Posted: 27 Jan 2013 10:04 AM PST CDT previously reported on the recent "Directive From the Ministry of Truth" that sent out instructions to Chinese journalists to stop reporting on the personal lives of North Korean leaders, with a particular emphasis on Kim Jong-un's facelift. Rumors of Kim Jong-un's facelift were originally reported on Shenzhen Satellite TV. Mark Fisher says North Korea has chastised China by publicly rebuking the rumor, from The Washington Post:
North Korea has responded by calling the rumors "sordid" and "hackwork" published by "rubbish media." According to NKNews.Org, the rumor had circulated for months in South Korea, but it was not until the Shenzhen TV report that North Korea responded to the rumors:
This incident comes amid tensions between Beijing and Pyongyang due to North Korea's satellite launch. China has called on the UN Security Council for prudence on North Korea, but tensions continue to mount as the UNSC, including China, passed a resolution calling for tightened sanctions against North Korea with a unanimous vote. The New York Times reports:
Read more about the Directives From the Ministry of Truth, via CDT. © Melissa M. Chan for China Digital Times (CDT), 2013. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Posted: 27 Jan 2013 08:37 AM PST Despite all the flaws of the US aviation industry (as illustrated by the 787 post below), the US and the West remains many years ahead of China in just about every part of the aviation value chain. However, this gap just got smaller yesterday with the maiden flight of the Y-20, a Chinese counterpart to the Russian Il-76 and the US C-17. Upon entering service, the Y-20 and variations thereof will have three primary civil and military applications: long-range heavy airlift, mid-air refueling, and airborne early warning & control. Bravo to the engineers, scientists, management, and support staff of the Xian Aircraft Company. http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNTA3NTE3Njg4.html
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DODGY ZHANG ZIYI AVOIDS LEE-HOM’S HUGS Posted: 24 Jan 2013 05:22 PM PST May Daily Says, Pop singer Wang Lee-hom (王力宏) was extremely embarrassed after his two attempts to hug actress Zhang Ziyi (章子怡) were publicly rebuffed. Not unnaturally (or is it!) his very public display of heterosexual attention was seen as a desperate attempt to pour smoke over the rumor he is riding brokeback with classical pianist Li Yundi (李云迪). The awkward scene occurred when Lee-hom and Ziyi attended an event in Beijing recently. When Lee-hom approached Ziyi for a big hug, Ziyi looked shocked and managed to dodge him. With dozens of photographers aiming their cameras at the pair, Lee-hom tried to hug her again, but Ziyi managed to extricate herself. The atmosphere instantly froze. To break the ice, Ziyi later sat down next to him to strike up a conversation. Some netizens praised Ziyi for being dodgy, while others suspected that Ziyi did not want her reputation for being a seductress to spread even further — certainly not to her boyfriend the TV host Sa Beining (撒贝宁), who could get jealous and not pop the question. Ziyi's manager explained that the two always hug when seeing each other. However, Lee-hom was not aware that Ziyi wore a bare-back dress that day, or that she was frightened of a wardrobe malfunction. What a classy explanation! |
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