Blogs » Politics » In Syria, a Rare Chinese Foray into Foreign Policy
Blogs » Politics » In Syria, a Rare Chinese Foray into Foreign Policy |
- In Syria, a Rare Chinese Foray into Foreign Policy
- Baijiu, China’s Latest “Food” Scandal
- 中宣部:温家宝总理出访
- Grads Face Tough Job Market
- What’s Really Behind China’s Tabloid-Style Coverage of Obama’s Asia Trip
- Chongqing, a Slippery Stepping Stone
- Photo: Forbidden Detail, by Mark Hobbs
- Ministry of Truth: Power and Air
- Ministry of Truth: Spirit of the 18th Party Congress
- Word of the Week: Soy Sauce
- Censorship Vault: Beijing Internet Instructions Series (14)
- The Key to Bringing Democracy to China
- China’s Role in Syria: How Beijing Can Help End the Violence
- Desensitized in China
- A Bold Speech at Elite Chinese University Goes Viral: “Everyone Lies”
- Ministry of Truth: Death of Runaways in Guizhou
- What Did We Learn From the Aokang Anti-dumping Verdict? Not so Much.
- Did News Story on Riches of China's Premier Weaken Reformists?
- People Believe China's Hope Depends on Democracy
- China's Most Expensive Business School
In Syria, a Rare Chinese Foray into Foreign Policy Posted: 21 Nov 2012 10:31 PM PST After vetoing a resolution that would have imposed sanctions on the administration of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, China has offered a four-point plan to try to end an ongoing civil conflict there. Presented on October 31, the plan has four main points, as summarized by U.S. News and World Report:
The Washington Post reports on the international response to the proposal:
The Council on Foreign Relations blog explains further why the impact of the proposal is likely to be limited:
While the proposal is unlikely to change the global dynamics surrounding the situation in Syria, Ian Bremmer argues that the existence of the proposal itself is significant because it signifies a new attitude from China toward its role in conflicts outside its borders. From Reuters:
Read more about China and Syria via CDT. For another perspective on China's relationship to the al-Assad regime, see Hexie Farm's latest contribution to his CDT series. © Sophie Beach for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Baijiu, China’s Latest “Food” Scandal Posted: 21 Nov 2012 09:05 PM PST If you're keeping score at home (and I know you are), the latest "food" safety scandal involves a well-known brand of baijiu, China's infamous white wine, which as everyone knows is extracted and refined from the tears of liberal economists. Or maybe it's distilled from rice and other types of grains. The news broke a couple days ago that a nasty chemical had been found in Jiugui brand baijiu, a name that can be translated as "drunkard." Classy.
Uh oh, not another food safety scandal. Or is it? I'm going to go out on a limb here and give you three reasons why this is not your average food safety problem. First, the product isn't really food. Yes, some folks ingest this stuff, but the jury's still out on whether this liquid is even really potable. People routinely put stuff in their mouths that isn't safe, like cigarettes and Big Macs. I once saw a guy on a reality show eat musk ox testes; there's no accounting for taste. Second, the news should not have reported that a toxic chemical was found in baijiu, but that "another questionable substance" was found in the disgusting soup o' gunk that is called baijiu. Look, I'm not a big fan of this particular kind of jet fuel. Granted, I don't drink the hard stuff anymore, not since the Flaming Dr. Pepper Incident of 1990 in Claremont, California, the details of which I am unable to divulge per court order. The point is, baijiu is nasty. I'm sure there are plenty of you connoisseurs out there who can wax rhapsodic about the subtle differences in baijiu, explaining how we can all best enjoy the flavor experience. But I bet I can find some gear heads who could give me the same info about the different varieties of gasoline, based on lead content. What it comes down to is that you can ingest this toxic chemical, which may damage your immune system and turn you into a eunuch, or you can drink unadulterated baijiu and burn/scar the entire length of your alimentary canal (and yes, I mean the entire length). Third, and this is based on preliminary information at this point, it doesn't sound like the well-intentioned (but, let's face it, evil) folks at Jiugui put this chemical into the baijiu for nefarious reasons. We are by now used to the farmer who injects shit into his livestock to add weight, the retailer who sprays crap on his produce to make it look shiny, and the bastards who added amino acids to their milk products to give it a higher protein content. In this case, it appears that the plasticizer (i.e., a chemical used to make plastic more flexible) originated in containers used in the production chain. In other words, this might be chemical leaching going on here, not a deliberate addition of a harmful substance. So, just another food safety scandal? I don't think so. On the other hand, the press has given this story a great deal of attention, so it looks like the government might actually investigate this chemical leaching issue with plastic containers. This of course involves more than just baijiu, so stay tuned for more "revelations" in the coming days. © Stan for China Hearsay, 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Posted: 21 Nov 2012 06:53 AM PST 中宣部:有关温家宝总理出访的报道一律严格按新华社通稿刊播。 【数字时代真理部系列:"在这里,了解祖国" "真理部"是网民对中国共产党中央委员会宣传部和其下属的各省宣传部,以及国家级的国务院新闻办公室,中央文明办,国家广播电影电视总局,出版总署,文化部等一系列言论出版审查机构的总称。】 © Xiao Qiang for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Posted: 21 Nov 2012 04:22 PM PST On-campus recruitment ad from cell phone manufacturer Xiaomi. As China's breakneck rate of economic growth finally begins to slow, some analysts are holding their breath for the country's "hard landing." There are signs that direct foreign investment, consumption and other important indicators are on a downturn. For the country's college students, their future after graduation is uncertain. On top of all this, the government may be under-reporting the slowdown:
The anonymous BBS forum post below describes a sharp decline in on-campus recruiting at Nankai University in Tianjin, a coastal city not far from Beijing. It compounds Chovanec's concern, adding that the media have remained upbeat in order to smooth the path for "The Meeting" (last week's 18th Party Congress). The post seems to no longer be available on NewSMTH.net (水木社区), where it first appeared. But if the censors decided it painted to bleak a picture, then it has years of post-graduation struggle to erase:
Read more about the Chinese economy from CDT. Via NewSMTH.net. Translation by Mengyu Dong. © Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | One comment | Add to del.icio.us |
What’s Really Behind China’s Tabloid-Style Coverage of Obama’s Asia Trip Posted: 21 Nov 2012 11:52 AM PST What do people in China really think about U.S. President Barack Obama's historic visit to Southeast Asia? A glance at Chinese mainstream and social media depicts conflicting narratives, with topics ranging from President Obama's now-infamous kiss with Aung San Suu Kyi to geopolitical power dynamics between China, Myanmar, and the United States. Kisses, flirtatious eyes, and other silliness One of the most viral related posts on Sina Weibo, China's Twitter, is a series of close-up images of Obama embracing and kissing Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during a press conference in Yangon. Probably not coincidentally, another popular image is a photo of Obama "making eyes" at Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Some Web users ridiculed these outward displays of affection, including the nationalist publication Global Times. Atop a picture of Obama posing with a seemingly shocked Suu Kyi, the Global Times' Weibo account (@环球时报) played up the theme of romantic pursuit, with the line: "Myanmar is independent … Obama should not assume that he is 'all that.'" The Chinese phrase for 'all that,' zizuo duoqing, connotes unearned swagger and, perhaps, unrequited affection. The phrase repeatedly appeared in mainstream Chinese press and was widely forwarded by microbloggers. But for others, President Obama's actions appeared to embody a fresh and exciting new kind of politics taking root in nearby Myanmar. Weibo user @马都浮云 wrote, "The light of democracy shines on Myanmar!" Indeed, these unrehearsed images strike a sharp contrast with the pictures of the staid seven-man Politburo Standing Committee that made its debut in China last week. Puncturing the official narrative Microbloggers that got past "the kiss" for Suu Kyi and "the eyes" at Shinawatra noted stark contradictions between the reporting in Caijing, a historically reformist magazine, and official state-run media outlets, such as China Central Television (CCTV) and People's Daily. Behind the online silliness lies a deeper anxiety about the U.S. and China's respective roles in the international community. (Via Weibo) Consistent with an account offered in the U.S. media, the Caijing blurb accompanying photos of Obama kissing Suu Kyi read: "Obama's visit generated significant excitement among the people of Yangon, and from the airport to the city center several thousand people gathered along the streets to welcome Obama." But CCTV and People's Daily suggested the opposite. People's Daily reporters claimed not to see much in the way of welcome signs or banners and not to feel a noticeable buzz of excitement. The official report played down President Obama's presence in Myanmar, emphasizing that the visit lasted only six hours, and was one that Suu Kyi initially did not endorse. More provocatively, the report suggested that "some Myanmar people" have interpreted Obama's decision not to visit the new capital, Naypiydaw, as a purposeful jab to "avoid giving [Myanmar's people] too much face." Microbloggers were quick to point out the inconsistency. "Once again, Caijing sings a different tune," noted @霸气的捣乱. "[CCTV] said that the response of the people of Myanmar was flat and the reception of the government of Myanmar was lukewarm." The truth behind the chatter Of course, the proxy battles over Obama's glad-handing and between dueling media reports ultimately strike at power dynamics among China, Myanmar, and the United States. The Global Times ran a November 20 editorial musing on the implications of Myanmar's opening up and possible democratization. "Sooner or later Myanmar was going to open up to the outside world… but the extent of any change to come is certainly limited." The rationale behind this assertion boils down to economic analysis. "Southeast Asia's economic reliance on China is greater than its reliance on the U.S. This trend will continue … Obama has promised [Myanmar] US$170 million in aid, but unless he can duplicate that amount every month, this bargaining chip cannot change the fundamental nature the Chinese-Myanmar relationship." While trade and investment are critical components of a country's power and influence, the perspective set out in Global Times focuses almost single-mindedly on dollars and cents. A comment on the "kiss" photo by @剑佩萧 unintentionally echoes this sentiment: "The world's most expensive kiss; Obama uses $170 million to buy a kiss from Ang San Suu Kyi." When it comes to Myanmar, the diverse, sometimes trivial images and debates on display in China's blogosphere beg a larger question: How do softer factors–such as values, aspirations and identity–stack up against economic incentives in determining political dynamics among Asian nations? Put more bluntly, can great powers simply buy their friends? China's rise has been awe-inspiring, but China has not yet articulated a compelling narrative about what it stands for within a broader community of nations. As to whether cameras will ever capture new Chinese leader Xi Jinping embracing Aung San Suu Kyi at some point over the next 10 years; only time will tell. If it happens, it will be the culmination of a complex process involving China's wealth, its influence, and its role as either exemplar or cautionary tale on the world stage. After President Obama's visit ends this week and the tabloid-like chatter recedes into the background, it will be time to kiss the simple answers goodbye. |
Chongqing, a Slippery Stepping Stone Posted: 21 Nov 2012 02:08 PM PST The CPC Central Committee has appointed Sun Zhengcai to fill Bo Xilai's former position as Chongqing's Party chief, following interim secretary Zhang Dejiang's appointment to the Politburo Standing Committee last week.
With the transition to a new generation of leadership still underway, Sun's assignment will prepare and test him for an anticipated key role in the next. From Brian Spegele at The Wall Street Journal:
Cheng Li's biographical entry on Sun at The Brookings Institution highlights his PhD, a year spent studying in the U.K., and a "humble" family background, another difference between him and princelings like Bo and Xi.
Modest background is shared by Hu Chunhua, or "Little Hu". Both men have just received seats on the "outer" Politburo, are relatively young at 49, and are strongly tipped for future leadership. From Cheng Li at Brookings:
Hu the Younger's current role is as Party secretary for Inner Mongolia: see 'Little Hu and the Mining of the Grasslands' on CDT. He is now widely expected to take over as Guangdong Party head, though it was rumoured last month that he was also a contender for the Chongqing position. Both he and Sun may then rise to the Politburo Standing Committee in 2017, when five of the seven current members are due to retire. Last week, Bloomberg traced their likely trajectories.
Nothing about future leadership transitions can be taken for granted, however, as the current Party secretary in Guangdong and Sun's predecessor in Chongqing might attest. © Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Photo: Forbidden Detail, by Mark Hobbs Posted: 21 Nov 2012 01:30 PM PST © Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Ministry of Truth: Power and Air Posted: 21 Nov 2012 12:53 PM PST The following examples of censorship instructions, issued to the media and/or Internet companies by various central (and sometimes local) government authorities, have been leaked and distributed online. Chinese journalists and bloggers often refer to those instructions as "Directives from the Ministry of Truth." CDT has collected the selections we translate here from a variety of sources and has checked them against official Chinese media reports to confirm their implementation. Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The original publication date is noted after the directives; the date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source.
© Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | One comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Ministry of Truth: Spirit of the 18th Party Congress Posted: 21 Nov 2012 12:00 PM PST The following example of censorship instructions, issued to the media and/or Internet companies by various central (and sometimes local) government authorities, has been leaked and distributed online. Chinese journalists and bloggers often refer to those instructions as "Directives from the Ministry of Truth." CDT has collected the selections we translate here from a variety of sources and has checked them against official Chinese media reports to confirm their implementation. Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The original publication date is noted after the directives; the date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source.
© Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Posted: 21 Nov 2012 12:00 PM PST Editor's Note: The CDT Grass-Mud Horse Lexicon is a glossary of terms created by Chinese netizens and frequently encountered in online political discussions. These are the words of China's online "resistance discourse," used to mock and subvert the official language around censorship and political correctness. The Word of the Week features Lexicon entries old, new and timely. If you are interested in participating in this project by submitting and/or translating terms, please contact the CDT editors at CDT [at] chinadigitaltimes [dot] net. "What the f**k does it have to do with me? I was just out buying soy sauce." 打酱油 (dǎ jiàngyóu): getting soy sauce This means "no comment" or "none of my business." It is a humorous way for netizens to distance themselves from a sensitive or political topic. The word came into popular usage after Guangzhou Television interviewed a local resident about the Edison Chen photo scandal. The man answered, "What the f**k does it have to do with me? I was just out buying soy sauce." See also soy sauce committee members. © Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Censorship Vault: Beijing Internet Instructions Series (14) Posted: 21 Nov 2012 11:04 AM PST In partnership with the China Copyright and Media blog, CDT is adding the "Beijing Internet Instructions" series to the Censorship Vault. These directives were originally published on Canyu.org (Participate) and date from 2005 to 2007. According to Canyu, the directives were issued by the Beijing Municipal Network Propaganda Management Office and the State Council Internet management departments and provided to to Canyu by insiders. China Copyright and Media has not verified the source. The translations are by Rogier Creemers of China Copyright and Media.
These translated directives were first posted by Rogier Creemers on China Copyright and Media on November 21, 2012 (here). © Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
The Key to Bringing Democracy to China Posted: 21 Nov 2012 10:32 AM PST At Foreign Policy, MIT's Yasheng Huang suggests that the best way to promote democracy in China would be to stress elite self-interest over moral values. Huang also challenges the argument that asking China to democratise after thirty years of massive economic growth under Party rule is, in Eric X. Li's words, "like asking Apple to turn itself into RIM."
Huang also explored whether democracy stifles economic growth in a 2011 TED talk. The question of Chinese democracy has been debated recently by Martin Jacques and Zhang Weiwei versus Anson Chan and Jonathan Mirsky at Intelligence Squared, and by Eric X. Li versus Minxin Pei at the Aspen Ideas Festival. Li has been a particularly vocal defender of the Party's record in English-language media, and explained to Rachel Beitarie earlier this year why he believes democracy is not the answer for China. Equally vigorous discussion has centred on the degree of meritocracy in China's current system. © Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | 2 comments | Add to del.icio.us |
China’s Role in Syria: How Beijing Can Help End the Violence Posted: 21 Nov 2012 06:54 AM PST Will Piekos is a Research Associate for Asia Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. The Chinese Foreign Ministry recently announced a "new" four-point peace initiative to solve the crisis in Syria. During a visit to Beijing by U.N. and Arab League mediator Lakhdar Brahimi in October, China's Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi stated that "political dialogue is the only correct way to tackle this issue," and he added that he hoped the mediation discussions would promote "mutual understanding" and "the appropriate handling of the Syrian issue." The U.S. News & World Report summarized the four points of China's proposal as follows:
The new plan seems to reflect China's acceptance of the deteriorating situation in Syria and of the possibility of Assad's downfall. By calling for a political transition, the new plan jettisons the traditional Chinese foreign policy terminology in favor of language more in line with current international opinion. It is a noticeable departure from China's six-point peace plan released in March, which demanded the international community "respect the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Syria" and expressed its disapproval of Western attempts at regime change. Despite these apparent changes in strategy, however, the plan simply reiterates old points and fails to provide a comprehensive path to peace. China continues to leave off the table the possibility of sanctions or other punitive measures as a way to convince the regime to stop the violence. Without them, the Syrian government has no reason to end the bloodshed: it has the upper hand both militarily and politically, and it has more sophisticated equipment and control of government institutions. So what can China do to signal it is serious about a political settlement in Syria? Given Beijing's reluctance to impose sanctions, a small but significant action would be to recognize the recently formed National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces as representative of the opposition movement. Given that the Assad regime seemingly no longer maintains a "monopoly on the legitimate use of force," an integral part of Max Weber's definition of sovereignty, it would not be a stretch for Beijing to admit that the Assad government does not control a sovereign state. The Chinese Foreign Ministry has already conceded as much by calling for "empowered interlocutors" from relevant parties and a "transitional governing body of broad representation." By simply acknowledging the Coalition's existence, China—a non-Western voice that has foiled previous U.N. action against Assad—can help give the opposition the standing it needs to negotiate a ceasefire or a political transition. The strategy has a chance to hasten a settlement and end the bloodshed without armed intervention, one of China's stated goals throughout the conflict. Most importantly, Beijing will not be just seen as taking a leading role in finding a solution to the 20-month civil war; it might actually be able to do so. |
Posted: 21 Nov 2012 07:14 AM PST A few years ago while living in China I went back home to Kansas City for a short trip. One day I was riding in a car with my mother and we passed a child about five years old sitting alone on the sidewalk. My mom asked if I'd "seen that". I had, but it didn't register what she was referring to. "See what?" I asked. "That little boy," she replied. "He was all alone there without his parents." "Oh yeah," I said dismissively. "We'd better go back and make sure he's ok," she said as she pulled onto the next street to turn around. "K…" I answered, just starting to realize what the big deal was. By the time we got to the boy, another woman had also pulled over to see what was up. We all walked around with the child looking for his parents until eventually we called the police. An officer showed up within ten minutes and took the boy to the station. As soon as I saw that the other woman had pulled over, it immediately sank in what I'd just done…or rather, what I'd failed to do, and it made me sick. Had I been alone in the car, I would have kept on driving. I was ashamed because it's not something I would have done just a few years earlier. China had desensitized me. Last week five young Guizhou children were found dead in a dumpster from carbon monoxide poisoning after they'd climbed in and burned coal to stay warm. They'd been missing for three weeks after running away from home. Someone apparently even took a picture of them sitting in a public place the day before their deaths, but still, no social safety net caught them in time. The five children (maybe) via Sina Weibo user @公民李元龙, via Beijing Cream I wasn't the least bit surprised. People wrote heartfelt messages of sorrow and disgust online, but I imagine if they'd walked by the kids sitting alone on the street themselves, most would have just kept walking by. It pains me now to say it, but I've done it dozens of times myself. It's not that people in China are heartless. The sight of children running around alone is just so depressingly common that it's barely enough to raise an eyebrow. Sometimes they're child beggars being exploited by a guardian watching from around the corner. Sometimes they've just been left to run about by parents who've never been warned by the always-harmonious media about China's epidemic of child kidnappers. These unaccompanied children are ubiquitous and there's been very little done to educate society that this isn't a normal or acceptable thing. Unfortunately, when I entered this society I gradually forgot this myself. People have been quick to blame the parents, the school principals and local government officials for letting these kids slip through their fingers. Indeed, they all bear some responsibility, but so do all of us who've ever seen a child alone and kept walking. Most of all though, responsibility lies with the system that's allowed us to become desensitized to something that's clearly very disturbing. |
A Bold Speech at Elite Chinese University Goes Viral: “Everyone Lies” Posted: 20 Nov 2012 10:13 AM PST Freedom of speech has always been a sensitive topic in China. But when a prominent commentator calls for the right to free speech in one of the most famous (and state-controlled) universities in China, it raises the stakes yet further. On November 18, fresh off of a forced blogging hiatus coinciding with China's leadership handover at its 18th Party Congress, outspoken commentator and blogger Li Chengpeng (@李承鹏) delivered a sharp and powerful speech called "Talk" at Peking University, directly criticizing the lack of free speech in China. On the same day, text of Li's talk (shown below this article) was widely shared on Chinese blogs and social media, with thousands of reposts and comments showing support. One commenter wrote: "He speaks for many people's hearts." Yet some of the shared content on Sina Weibo, China's preeminent microblogging platform, had been censored by the next day. Li started with a bold statement: " Chinese people are losing the power to talk." He described the 1960s in China, citing examples of how the disastrous Cultural Revolution forced citizens to make a choice: Lie, or shut up. At that age, the whole country lost its ability to talk. "You couldn't talk about your needs: I'm hungry; you couldn't talk about your emotions: I love you; you couldn't criticize your leaders; … you couldn't tell the scientific truth." He went on to describe the "nonsense" Orwellian terms that the government has used to paper over excesses, including "vacation-style treatment," (休假式治疗) "protective demolition," (保护性拆迁) "bribery out of courtesy" (礼节性受贿) and "confirmatory election" (确认性选举). Li insisted that "we haven't recovered from our inability to talk" due to strict censorship. "Every time I see some department claim that our country has the largest number of books and newspapers in the world, I think, actually we can just say it produces the largest amount of toilet paper. " Li also cited the recent mass incidents in the cities of Qidong and Ningbo as pointing to further fundamental problems: "These incidents don't have a political purpose; people were just making their voices heard, but it got out of hand. I think the most fundamental problem is the system itself. There's a huge bug in the design at the beginning, and in order to fix the bug, you use anti-virus software, but the software itself has a bug… the anti-virus thinks people don't have the right to speak, yet it has the power to punish. [The government] is arrogant, sensitive, and closed-minded." Li ascribed a circular, theatrical quality to debate in modern China. He said, "We [the citizens] know they [the authorities] are lying, and they know that we know they are lying, and we know that they know that we know they are lying, and they know that we are pretending that they did not lie …. This is the reality. Everyone lies to each other, and this is a lie to make ends meet. … The most terrible thing about a country is not poverty [or] hunger … but people who have lost the right and the ability to speak." Yet in the end, the fiercely critical Li said he remains optimistic: "I hope that this nation is only temporarily without words. Although words have always been the easiest for power to control, it is always the last fortress to fall in war … I am always critical of this country yet I am always full of hope for this nation." |
Ministry of Truth: Death of Runaways in Guizhou Posted: 21 Nov 2012 07:03 AM PST The following example of censorship instructions, issued to the media and/or Internet companies by various central (and sometimes local) government authorities, has been leaked and distributed online. Chinese journalists and bloggers often refer to those instructions as "Directives from the Ministry of Truth." CDT has collected the selections we translate here from a variety of sources and has checked them against official Chinese media reports to confirm their implementation. Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The original publication date is noted after the directives; the date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source.
Last Friday, the bodies of five boys between the ages of nine and 13 were found in a dumpster in the city of Bijie, Guizhou, China's poorest province. Most sources report the children died of carbon monoxide poisoning from a fire they lit inside to keep warm. Their parents had been searching for them weeks before they were found. Several local officials and two school masters have been fired following the incident. © Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
What Did We Learn From the Aokang Anti-dumping Verdict? Not so Much. Posted: 21 Nov 2012 04:11 AM PST Last week, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) handed down a verdict in favor of Aokang Shoes, a Chinese company from Wenzhou that had been pursuing the anti-dumping case in the EU for the past six years. As you can see from the ruling, this is insanely technical legal jargon, and not something you want to tackle without a bottle of scotch at your side. I wasn't planning on any commentary for two reasons: I'm not familiar with EU law in this area, and there wasn't anything obviously interesting/extraordinary about the case. But the number of news articles in the state press here, as well as a Xinhua Op/Ed advice column, made me rethink my decision.
However, let me first say that any victory by a Chinese company abroad is a healthy indicator that PRC firms are becoming more comfortable with overseas legal systems and business practices. These companies should be encouraged to participate in these disputes, and to the extent that some of these articles from state media were designed to light a fire under domestic enterprises in this regard, I think that's a good thing. But wait a second. These articles were run in English state media, like China Daily, Xinhua, Global Times, and CCTV. If the point was to educate local companies about their legal options abroad, why so much attention in English? One simple explanation might be that this is a foreign trade story, so it makes sense to run it in English. But I also suspect that there was a subtle cheerleading aspect to all this (i.e., we won! And we can win again in the future!). I have a limit when it comes to certain kinds of rhetoric, and stuff like this goes way past:
I'll go along with point #3, but this "right vs. wrong" rhetoric is ridiculous. China and the EU are not at war; this was an anti-dumping case, a kind of dispute that is unfortunately all too common. For a company to win an appeal in an anti-dumping case does not exactly mean that the EU was slapped down by an angry court weary of "abuse." I read the ruling and didn't see this as a Manichaeian struggle. Maybe that's just me. Which leads me back to this Xinhua Op/Ed, which starts off just fine by introducing the case and explaining why the result sets a good example for other Chinese enterprises. Fair enough, and I agree. But this confused me:
Yes, these disputes are ongoing and high profile. But what does the Aokang case have to do with them? Is the author of the Op/Ed worried that Chinese solar manufacturers will not pursue their rights in these cases? I seriously doubt it. Too much at stake in this market sector for these charges to simply be ignored. And let's face it, if the government wants these companies to pursue these claims, it doesn't need to make its case out in the public in Xinhua (in English). Aokang won its case, so other companies can do the same. Sure. But why have so many Chinese companies not bothered to do so in the past? Here's Xinhua's explanation:
Mostly true. Cost and lack of familiarity are important reasons why Chinese firms have failed to pursue foreign legal claims. I would also tack on to that list cultural/business factors, such as lack of transparency and inexperience. I know quite a few foreign trade lawyers who have told me scary, and amusing, stories about representing Chinese enterprises in trade cases. The problem is not lack of lawyers, but not knowing how to work with them. And finally, we have this little nugget:
This presupposes that these companies are being unfairly targeted, partially because they have not fought back in the past. It's the victim mentality which is all too prevalent in state media. I guess the idea here is that once these companies stand up for themselves, the EU and other foreign governments will become less aggressive in imposing anti-dumping duties. Um, no. I don't think it works that way. Yes, trade disputes can be influenced by politics. But that doesn't mean that there is a master plan out there for dealing with Chinese companies that will be revised if a few PRC firms decide to file appeals. That's a funky conspiracy theory. The lesson from the Aokang case? Same one I tell my foreign clients who have China disputes: if you use the legal system, you might win. If you don't, you'll definitely lose. Any other rhetoric should be ignored. © Stan for China Hearsay, 2012. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us |
Did News Story on Riches of China's Premier Weaken Reformists? Posted: 21 Nov 2012 12:31 AM PST This post is part of our International Relations & Security coverage. The hot pot of Chinese politics is still boiling madly after the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party and the leadership transition that took place in Beijing on November 14, 2012. Many see the composition of the new Politburo Standing Committee as a defeat for outgoing President Hu Jintao, who failed to see his reformist allies promoted. Moreover, Hu stepped down as the chairman of the Central Military Commission sooner than expected. Were Chinese conservatives stronger than expected or did something weaken the reformists? Just two weeks before the Congress started the New York Times published a story alleging that members of Wen Jiabao's family have amassed a combined fortune of $2.7 billion by using the Premier's influence and close links between politics and business in China. With Chinese politics already at boiling point, the New York Times article exploded on Sina Weibo, the social media site that is purported to be a reasonable reflection of public opinion. Comments expressing both surprise and disappointment flooded the Internet, but also many of unconditional support for Wen, reported Rachel Lu on Tea Leaf Nation. With China's censorship machine ready to stop any "harmony disruption", both the English and Chinese versions of the New York Times website were blocked within hours of the article's publication. However, Chinese netizens know creative ways to jump the Great Firewall and had already been using the code word "Sparta" (which has a similar pronunciation to '18th Congress' in Chinese) in order to access the article. Lily Kuo explores on Quartz how Chinese netizens got around the censors to read the article and discuss the issue. Kuo writes:
Some have logically related the news story and its timing to what may be the greatest political scandal in the last months: the fall of high-flying politician Bo Xilai. Despite the Party's efforts to present it as an example of the fight against corruption, many perceived it as a clear sign of internal struggle. Bo Xilai is seen as a representative of the leftist wing of the party (which means conservative in China) that is pitted against reformists represented by Wen Jiabao. In her post on Tea Leaf Nation, Lu collects some of the comments pointing in that direction:
Though it seems clear that New York Times journalist David Barboza did much research in complicated corporate records, the possibility that someone may have helped him cannot be ruled out. This would not devalue his work, but it could help explain the dominance of the conservative wing once led by Bo Xilai on the new cycle of Chinese politics that now begins. This post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were commissioned by the International Security Network (ISN) as part of a partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and security issues worldwide. This post was first published on the ISN blog, see similar stories here. Written by Violeta Camarasa · comments (0) |
People Believe China's Hope Depends on Democracy Posted: 21 Nov 2012 12:17 AM PST Rachel Wang from Tea Leaf Nation reports on the result of an online poll in Sina Weibo conducted by People's Daily, in which a landslide majority of people vote for democracy as the hope of China's future. Written by Oiwan Lam · comments (0) |
China's Most Expensive Business School Posted: 21 Nov 2012 12:10 AM PST Ministry of Tofu translated an info graphic showing the background of the students of the China's most expensive business school, the Cheung Kong Graduate Business School. Written by Oiwan Lam · comments (0) |
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